Liberia: Description, History, Problems (2024)

Copyrighted, 1913
By FREDERICK STARR
CHICAGO

THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO
WILLIAM N. SELIG
OF CHICAGO
IN EVIDENCE OF APPRECIATION AND AS
A TOKEN OF REGARD

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PREFACE

Africa has been partitioned among the nations. Thelittle kingdom of Abyssinia, in the north, and the Republicof Liberia, upon the west coast, are all of thecontinent that remain in the hands of Africans. Liberiaalone is in the hands of negroes. Will it remainso, or is it destined to disappear? Is it a failure?The reports which have so frequently been printed inbooks of travel and elementary treatises of ethnologyappear almost unanimous in the assertion that it is.Yet there are those who believe that the Black Republicis far indeed from being a failure. We arenot willing to admit that its history and conditionswarrant the assumption that the black man is incapableof conducting an independent government. Asuccessful Liberia would be a star of hope to the DarkContinent. In Liberian success there lies AfricanRedemption; redemption, not only in the religioussense, but redemption economic, social, governmental.If the black men can stand alone in Liberia, he canstand alone elsewhere; if the negro is able to organizeand maintain a government on the west coast, he cando the same on the east coast, and in the southern partof Africa. Africa is restless under the white man;it makes no difference whether the ruler be Portuguese,French, German, Spanish, Belgian, or English,the native is dissatisfied under the present regime. Itis recognized that a spark may cause a conflagrationthrough negro Africa. On the other hand, the colonialburden of the European governments grows heavy;the trade advantages of holding Africa might beequally gained without the expense and trouble ofadministration; it is mutual jealousy, not great success,[vi]which holds the European powers in Africa.Were each convinced that withdrawal would not giveadvantage to other powers, that abdication would notbe recognized as weakness, that free trade with blackmen might not result in individual national advantage,they would be quite ready to withdraw from theDark Continent. In every colony the native is advancing;education becomes more general; it mustcontinue to diffuse itself, and with diffusion of knowledgeamong the natives, restlessness will be increased;the colonial burden will become heavier,—not lighter.If Liberia prospers, it will stand as an example ofwhat black men can do to all the other negro populationsof the continent; its example would stimulateadvance for all; the sight of enterprises originatingwith negroes and carried out by them would giveheart and stimulus to negroes everywhere. This doesnot mean that all the European colonies should necessarilybecome republics; far from it. Nor would itmean, unless the home governments were blind andignorant, a necessary severance between the mothercountry and its colonies; it would, however, lead toa great measure of home rule and to a large developmentof self-government. Wauwermans, years ago,recognized the powerful influence which a successfulLiberia must needs exert. He says: “From this littlestate, the size of Belgium, whose population does notsurpass, including the natives, a fifth part of the populationof our country, will go forth perhaps someday the best imaginable missionaries to extendover the Black Continent the benefits of civilizationand to found the free United States of Africa,sufficiently powerful to defy the covetousness of whitemen and to make justice reign, so far as it can reignamong men.”

One of the most thoughtful writers regarding theRepublic is Delafosse who, for a time, was FrenchConsul at Monrovia. He has written upon Liberia onvarious occasions, and what he says always deservesconsideration. On the whole he is not a hostile critic,[vii]having a rather friendly feeling toward Liberians andbeing deeply interested in the Republic. We translatesome passages from his writings, as his point ofview is original. He says: “If one consider theLiberians superficially—civilized, clad, knowing howto read and write, living in relatively comfortablehouses,—one will probably find them superior to thenatives. Actually, they are rather inferior to them,as well from the moral point of view as from the pointof view of general well-being.”

Further on he says: “First, along the coast and inthe east, we see the Krumen, a race of workers, energetic,proud, and fighters, but honest, rejoicing in afine physical and moral health, jealous of the virtue oftheir women, of a most careful cleanliness. What acontrast do they make by the side of the idle and nonchalantLiberians, expecting everything from theState, subject to every kind of congenital disease, andin particular to tuberculosis, never washing themselves,nourishing themselves with food which a nativeslave would not accept, decimated by a considerablemortality, having generally very few children, ofwhom, moreover, the greater part are born scrawny,weak, devoted beforehand to an early death!

If we cast our eyes upon the natives of the west andnorth, the Vai and other tribes of the Mandingo race,it is a different grade of comparison which offers itselfto us, but always to the disadvantage of the Liberians.These natives, half islamized, have, much morethan the Liberians, the sentiment of human dignity,and their costume, fitted to the climate and the race,far from rendering them ridiculous, as the Europeandoes the Liberians, is not devoid of a certain æstheticcharacter. They have, the Vai and the Manienka,above all, a superior intelligence of commercial affairs.The Vai have even a self-civilization which makes thislittle tribe one of the most interesting peoples ofAfrica; alone, of all the negroes known, they possessan alphabet suited to the writing of their language,and this alphabet, which they have completely invented[viii]themselves, has no relationship with any otherknown alphabet. A Vai native named Momolu Massaquoihas just established at Ghendimah, not farfrom the Anglo-Liberian boundary, a sort of modelvillage, and in this village, a school where he proposesto teach the language and the literature of his country.I do not know what is the result of this attempt,but it seems to me interesting, being an attempt purelyindigenous in character toward perfectment, attemptedalongside of the effort toward perfectionmentby adaptation of European civilization which has sobadly succeeded in Liberia.”

Again, after having given an attractive descriptionof the first impression made upon the stranger byLiberia and its inhabitants, our author proceeds tosay: “Now, the spectacle which offers itself to theeyes of the visitor is less beautiful. It is the spectacleof a nation in decadence. And this fact of anation not yet a century old which, starting fromnothing, raised itself in twenty years to its apogee,and has commenced, at the end of barely sixty years,to fall into decay, this fact, I say, deserves that oneshould pause, for at first sight it is not natural. Andit can only find its explanation in the theory whichI attempt to develop here, to wit: That the negroesin general, and the Liberians in particular, are eminentlysusceptible of perfectionment and progress,but that this perfectionment and this progress aredestined to a sudden check, and even to a promptdecadence, if one has sought to orient them in thedirection of our European civilization.

I have said that the spectacle which offers itselftoday to the eyes of the visitor is that of a nation indecadence. In fact, the beautiful broad streets cutat the beginning still exist, but they are invaded byvegetation and guttered by deep gullies which therains have cut and which one does not trouble tofill up; the enclosing walls about the different propertiesare half destroyed, without any one’s seekingto repair them; a mass of houses in ruin take away[ix]from the smiling and attractive aspect of the city;even houses in process of construction are in ruins;a superb college building erected at great expenseupon the summit of the cape, is abandoned, and onepermits it to be invaded by the forest and weatheredby the rain; the stairway which leads to the upperstory of Representatives’ Hall, having crumbled, hasnever been reconstructed, and a sort of provisionalflight of steps has been for years back the only meansof access which permits the cabinet officers to entertheir offices; the landings waste away stone by stone,and it is difficult to draw boats up to them; the shopswhere one formerly constructed vessels and landing-boats,have disappeared; roads, from lack of care,have almost everywhere become native trails again;the plantations of sugar-cane and ginger are mattersof ancient history, and fields, which formerly werewell cultivated, have returned to the state of virginforest; coffee plantations have run wild, choked bythe rank vegetation of the tropics. The level of instructionhas lowered, the new generations receiveonly an education of primary grade; of the Universityof Monrovia there remains only the name and somemortarboard caps which one at times sees upon theheads of professors and candidates.

All, however, is not dead in the Republic. Thereis yet a nucleus of Liberians of the ancient time,remarkably instructed and civilized, excellent orators,fine conversationalists, writers of talent. There arealso among the young people some choice minds, whodesire to elevate the intellectual and moral level oftheir country and who seek to do so by publishedarticles, by lectures, by literary clubs, and by newschools.”

There is much food for thought in these statementsof Delafosse. Some of his arraignment is true;on the whole, it is less true to-day than when he wrote.There was a period when the Liberians were quitediscouraged and things were neglected. Much of thisneglect still exists. It would be possible to-day to[x]find houses falling to ruins, crumbling walls, gutteredstreets, unsatisfactory landing-places. But a newenergy is rising; the effects of efforts put forth bythe nucleus which Delafosse himself recognizes asexisting in Liberia are being felt; contact with theoutside world with its stimulus, sympathies, andfriendships, warrants the hope that the futureLiberia will surpass the past. We make no attemptto answer Delafosse in detail; in the body of ourbook most of the questions raised by his remarks arediscussed with some fullness.

In this book we attempt to represent the negrorepublic as it is—Description, History, Problems. Wehave desired to paint a just picture; some may thinkit too favorable; to such we would say that, whenthere have been so many unfair, unjust, and biasedstatements, it is necessary that some one should saythings that are favorable, so that they be true. Wehave no right to demand more from Liberia than wewould expect from any white colony with everythingin its favor; yet that is precisely what everybody does.We demand perfection. We forget that perfectionis not yet attained in any country, among people ofany color. It is unreasonable to demand it in a smallAfrican republic of black men. There is no fairnesseven in comparing Liberia with English and Frenchcolonies like Sierra Leone and Senegal. They havehad much done for them. The financial resources,the trained forces, the wise judgment of rich andpowerful nations have aided them. Liberia hasworked alone, blindly, in poverty.

While to some we may seem to paint an undulyfavorable picture, it is probable that Liberians willclaim that we have dragged some things to light whichshould be left unmentioned. We have mentionedmany of the weaknesses of Liberia and her people.This has been done for several reasons. It is a goodthing to “see ourselves as others see us”; the weakpoints of Liberia are always emphasized by critics,they can not well be ignored by friends. If we are to[xi]improve, we must clearly realize the opportunity andnecessity for improvement. The worst things, afterall, about Liberia are largely inherent in its form ofgovernment, or are due to the descent of the Americo-Liberiansfrom American slaves. They must fightagainst these inherent dangers and tendencies of democraticgovernment and against the disadvantages ofAmerican inheritance, as we do.

From time to time, in reading, we have gathered aconsiderable number of quotations from Liberians,past and present, which seem to us of special interestand pertinence. These we have prefaced to the chaptersand sub-divisions of our book. They are allexpressions of black men regarding their home andproblems. Some of them are eloquent, all of themare sensible. Thoughtful Liberians have never beenblind to national dangers, national weaknesses,national problems.

The materials which we present have been culledfrom many sources; the book contains little that isabsolutely new. For its preparation we have readdouble the literature which has been found mentionedin bibliographies and in books treating of Liberia.We have made constant use of Johnston, Wauwermans,Delafosse, Jore, and Stockwell. As the bookis meant for general reading, we have made no precisereferences. This is not due to neglect of writers andsources, but is in the nature of our treatment. Wepresent no bibliography; it would be easy to fillpages with the titles of books and articles, dealingwith Liberia, but such a list would be mere pedantryhere, especially as four-fifths of the works namedwould be absolutely inaccessible even to studentswith the best library equipment at their disposition.The author has made a considerable collection ofpamphlets printed in Liberia, by Liberian authors,dealing with Liberian matters. A list of these almostunknown prints would have real interest for thespecial student of Liberian affairs and for professional[xii]librarians; such a list may perhaps be printed later,in separate form.

Thanks are due to so many friends and helpersthat it is impossible to make individual acknowledgment.We were treated with great courtesy, whilein Liberia; from President Howard in the ExecutiveMansion to the school children upon the village streets,every one was kind. It was generally recognized thatthe author was a white visitor to the Republic withouta personal axe to grind. He represented no government,no commission, no institution, was seeking noconcession, had no mission—a rara avis truly. Whileit would be impossible to name all from whom kindnessand courtesy were received—for that would bean enumeration of all we met—we may perhaps mentionas particularly kind Ex-President Barclay, F. E.R. Johnson, T. McCants Stewart, C. B. Dunbar,Bishop Ferguson and Vice-President Harmon. ToMajor Charles Young, military attaché to the AmericanLegation, we are under greater obligations thanwe can mention. Campbell Marvin was our companionand helper throughout our visit to the Republic, andgave us faithful aid in every way. We dedicate thebook to William N. Selig, of Chicago, whose kindnessand interest made the expedition possible.

The book is written in the hope of arousing someinterest in Liberia and its people and of kindlingsympathy with them in the effort they are makingto solve their problems. For Liberia is the hope ofthe Dark Continent. Through her, perhaps, AfricanRedemption is to come.

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CONTENTS

[1]

LIBERIA

A more fertile soil, and a more productive country, so faras it is cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of theearth. Its hills and its plains are covered with a verdure whichnever fades; the productions of nature keep on in their growththrough all the seasons of the year. Even the natives of thecountry, almost without farming tools, without skill, and withvery little labor, raise more grain and vegetables than they canconsume, and often more than they can sell. Cattle, swine, fowls,ducks, goats, and sheep, thrive without feeding, and require noother care than to keep them from straying. Cotton, coffee,indigo, and the sugar cane, are all the spontaneous growth ofour forests, and may be cultivated at pleasure, to any extent, bysuch as are disposed. The same may be said of rice, Indiancorn, Guinea corn, millet, and too many species of fruits andvegetables to be enumerated. Add to all this, we have no drearywinter here, for one-half of the year to consume the productionsof the other half. Nature is constantly renewing herself,and constantly pouring her treasures, all the year round, intothe laps of the industrious.—Address by Liberians: 1827.

DESCRIPTION

Physiography

—1. There are various inherentdifficulties in African Geography. The populationof the Dark Continent is composed of an enormousnumber of separate tribes, each with its own name,each with its own language. Most of these tribes aresmall and occupy but small areas. For a mountain,or other conspicuous natural landmark, each tribewill have its own name. What name is given by atraveler to the feature will be a matter of accident,depending upon the tribe among which he may be atthe time that he inquires about the name; differentnames may thus be easily applied to the same place,and confusion of course results. Even within the[2]limits of a single tribe different names in the onelanguage may be applied to the same place; thus,it is regular for rivers to have different names indifferent parts of their course; it is nothing uncommonfor the same river to have four or five namesamong the people of a single tribe, for this reason.Throughout Negro Africa, towns are generally calledby the name of the chief; when he dies, the nameof the town changes, that of the new chief beingassumed. Again, throughout Africa, towns changelocation frequently; they may be rebuilt upon almostthe same spot as they before occupied, or they maybe placed in distant and totally new surroundings.For all these reasons, it is difficult to follow the itineraryof any traveler a few years after his report hasbeen published. All these difficulties exist in Liberia,as in other parts of Africa. More than that, Liberiahas itself been sadly neglected by explorers. Fewexpeditions into the interior have been so reportedas to give adequate information. Sir Harry Johnstonsays that the interior of Liberia is the “least knownpart of Africa.”

2. Liberia is situated on the west coast of Africa,in the western part of what on old maps was knownas Upper Guinea. Both Upper and Lower Guineahave long been frequented by European traders;different parts of the long coast line have receivedspecial names according to the natural products whichform their characteristic feature in trade; thus wehave the Grain Coast, Ivory Coast, Slave Coast, GoldCoast. Liberia is the same as the old Grain Coastand was so called because from it were taken thegrains of “Malagueta Pepper,” once a notable importin Europe. Liberia has a coast line of some 350miles, from the Mano River on the west to the CaballaRiver on the east and includes the country extendingfrom 7° 33′ west to 11° 32′ west longitude, andfrom 4° 22′ north to 8° 50′ north latitude. Its areais approximately 43,000 square miles—a little morethan that of the state of Ohio.

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3. The coast of Liberia is for the most part lowand singularly uninteresting. Throughout most of itsextent a rather narrow sandy beach is exposed to analmost continuous beating of surf; there is not asingle good natural harbor; where rivers enter the seathere is regularly a dangerous bar; here and there,ragged reefs of rocks render entrance difficult. Thereis no place where vessels actually attempt to makean entrance; they regularly anchor at a considerabledistance from the shore and load and unload bymeans of canoes and small boats sent out from thetowns. At Cape Mount near the western limit of thecountry a promontory rises to a height of 1068 feetabove the sea. It is the most striking feature of thewhole coast. There is no other until Cape Mesurado,upon which the city of Monrovia stands; it is anotable cliff, but rises only to a height of 290 feet.At Bafu Point, east of the Sanguin River, there is anoticeable height. These three, diminishing fromwest to east, are the only three actual interruptionsin the monotonous coast line.

4. Five-sixths of the total area of the Republicis covered with a forest, dense even for the tropics.Almost everywhere this forest comes close down tothe sandy beach and the impression made upon thetraveler who sails along the coast is one of perpetualverdure. The highest lands are found in the easthalf of the country. In the region of the UpperCaballa River just outside of Liberia, French authoritiesclaim that Mount Druple rises to a height of3000 meters. The same authorities claim that thehighest point of the Nimba Mountains, which occurswithin the limits of Liberia, is about 2000 meters(6560 feet). Further south is the Satro-Nidi-Kelipomass of highlands bordering the Caballa basin on thesouthwest; Sir Harry Johnson claims that it offersnothing more than 4000 feet in height. Northeastof the Caballa are Gamutro and Duna which riseto 5000 feet. There are no heights comparable tothese found in the western half of the Republic,[4]though there are peaks of significance among theupper waters of the St. Paul’s River and its tributaries.In the lower half of this river’s course thereis a hilly or mountainous region known as the PoHills, where possible heights of 3000 feet may bereached. In the northwestern part of the countrythe forest gives way to the Mandingo Plateau, highgrass-land. Benjamin Anderson, a Liberian explorer,says that he emerged from the forest at Bulota wherethe ground rose to the height of 2253 feet. This plateauregion is open park-like country of tall grasswith few trees.

Very little as yet is known of the geology of Liberia.On the whole, its rocks appear to be ancient metamorphicrocks—gneiss, granulite, amphibolite, granites,pegmatite, all abundantly intersected by quartz veins.Decomposition products from these rocks overlie mostof the country. The material and structure of thecoast region is concealed by deposits of recent alluviumand the dense growth of forest; a conspicuouslithological phenomenon is laterite which covers veryconsiderable areas and is the result of the disintegrationof gneiss. As yet little is known of actual mineralvalues. Gold certainly occurs; magnetite andlimonite appear to be widely distributed and areno doubt in abundant quantity; copper, perhapsnative, certainly in good ores, occurs in the westernpart of the country; various localities of corundumare known, and it is claimed that rubies of goodquality have been found; companies have been organizedfor the mining of diamonds, and it is claimedthat actual gems are obtained.

5. There are many rivers in Liberia and thecountry is well watered. Several of these rivers arebroad in their lower reaches, but they are extremelyvariable in depth and are generally shallow. Few ofthem are navigable to any distance from their mouth,and then only by small boats; thus the St. Paul’s canbe ascended only to a distance of about twenty miles,the Dukwia to a distance of thirty (but along a very[5]winding course, so that one does not anywhere reacha great distance from the coast), the Sinoe for fifteenmiles, but by canoes, the Caballa (the longest of allLiberian rivers) to eighty miles.

A notable feature in the physiography of Liberia isthe great number of sluggish lagoons or wide rivers,shallow, running parallel to the coast behind longand narrow peninsulas or spits of sand; there areso many of these that they practically form a continuousline of lagoons lying behind the sandy beach.These lagoons open onto the sea at the mouths of themore important rivers; smaller rivers in considerablenumbers enter them so that in reality almost everyriver-mouth in Liberia may be considered not thepoint of entrance of a single river, but of a cluster ofrivers which have opened into a common reservoirand made an outlet through one channel. As goodexamples of these curious lagoons, we may mentionfrom west to east the Sugari River, Fisherman’s Lake,Stockton Creek, Mesurado Lagoon, Junk River, etc.,etc.

Inasmuch as the rivers are the best known featuresof Liberian geography, and as they determine all itsother details, we shall present here a complete list ofthem, in their order from west to east, together with afew observations concerning the more important.

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There are no true lakes in Liberia, although thename “lake” is rather frequently applied to thebrackish lagoons so often referred to. Thus we hearof Fisherman’s Lake, Sheppard Lake, etc.

6. We have already mentioned that there are nonatural harbors of any value in Liberia; boats anchorat a considerable distance from the beach, and all loadingand landing is done by means of small boats orcanoes; at all points there is a dangerous bar, and it isa common thing for boats to be capsized in crossing it.

There are almost no islands of any consequence offthe coast. There are indeed many masses of landincluded in the networks of river-mouths and lagoons,but they are not usually thought of as being islands.There are also many rocky islets and reefs along thecoast, particularly from the mouth of the RiverCestos eastward. Such, however, are mere massesof bare and jagged rocks. Of actual islands to whichnames have been given, four are best known, two ofwhich are in Montserrado County and two in MarylandCounty. Bushrod Island, named from BushrodWashington, the first president of the AmericanColonization Society, is a large, cultivable island nearMonrovia, surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, the St.Paul’s River, and Stockton Creek. A very smallisland in the Mesurado, known as Providence or PerseveranceIsland, is interesting as having been at onetime the only land occupied by the colonists. GarawéIsland, also called Old Garawé, at the mouth of theGarawé River, is about three miles long. Russwurm,or Dead Island, lies in the Atlantic, opposite CapePalmas, with about two hundred feet of water betweenit and the mainland; it measures about 700 by120 yards; the name Dead Island is due to the factthat the aborigines buried their dead here.

7. The climate of Liberia is very imperfectlyknown. Our most recent data are derived from SirHarry Johnston, the best informant on all scientificmatters. He states that there is probably a markeddifference between the climate of the forest region[10]and that of the Mandingo Plateau. In the forestregion the dry season is short; it is the hottest periodof the year and includes the months of December,January, and February; February is the hottest anddryest month of the year and the temperature rangesfrom 55° at night to 100° in the shade at midday.During the wet season the daily range is almost nothing;the constant temperature stands at about 75°.The coolest month of the year is August with a daytemperature of 69° and a night temperature of 65°.Upon the Mandingo Plateau the annual rainfall isbelieved to be not more than from 60 to 70 inches; thedry season extends from November to May; duringthat time the vegetation is parched; the nights arecool, becoming cold with an altitude of 3000 feet; thehottest time of the year is at the beginning and endof the rainy season when the thermometer may markmore than 100° at midday.

8. On the whole, we still have nothing better inregard to the climate than the description given byDr. Lugenbeel in 1850. He traces the characteristicsof the weather through the year month by month.He says:

“January is usually the dryest, and one of thewarmest months in the year. Sometimes, during thismonth, no rain at all falls; but generally there areoccasional slight showers, particularly at night. Wereit not for the sea-breeze, which prevails with almostuninterrupted regularity, during the greater part ofthe day, on almost every day throughout the year, theweather would be exceedingly oppressive, during thefirst three or four months of the year. As it is, theoppressiveness of the rays of the tropical sun, isgreatly mitigated by the cooling breezes from theocean; which usually blow from about 10 o’clock A. M.to about 10 o’clock P. M., the land-breezes occupyingthe remainder of the night and morning; except foran hour or two about the middle of the night, andabout an hour in the forenoon. During these intervals,the atmosphere is sometimes very oppressive.[11]The regularity of the sea-breeze, especially during themonth of January, is sometimes interrupted by thelonger continuance of the land-breeze, which occasionallydoes not cease blowing until 2 or 3 o’clockP. M. This is what is called the harmattan wind;about which a great deal has been written; but whichdoes not generally fully accord with the forced descriptionsof hasty observers or copyists.

The principal peculiarity of the harmattan windconsists in its drying properties, and its very sensiblecoolness, especially early in the morning. It seldom,perhaps never, continues during the whole day; andusually not much longer than the ordinary land-breeze,at other times in the year. When this windblows pretty strongly, the leaves and covers of bookssometimes curl, as if they had been placed near afire; the seams of furniture, and of wooden vesselssometimes open considerably, and the skin of personssometimes feels peculiarly dry and unpleasant, inconsequence of the rapid evaporation of both thesensible and the insensible perspiration. But theseeffects are usually by no means so great as they havebeen represented to be. What is generally called theharmattan season usually commences about the middleof December, and continues until the latter partof February. During this time, especially duringthe month of January, the atmosphere has a smokyappearance, similar to what is termed Indian summerin the United States, but generally more hazy.

The average height of the mercury in the thermometer,during the month of January, is about85°, it seldom varies more than 10°, during the 24hours of the day; and usually it does not vary morethan 4° between the hours of 10 A. M. and 10 P. M.During this month, however, I have seen the mercurystand at the lowest mark, at which I ever observedit, in Liberia, that is, at 68°. This was early in themorning during the prevalence of a very strong land-breeze.During this month I have also seen the mercurystand at the highest mark, at which I ever[12]observed it—that is, at 90°. The air is sometimesuncomfortably cool, before 8 o’clock A. M., duringthis month.

During the month of February the weather is generallysimilar to that of January. There are, however,usually more frequent showers of rain; andsometimes, towards the close of this month, slighttornadoes are experienced. The harmattan haze generallydisappears about the last of this month; andthe atmosphere becomes clear. The range of thethermometer is about the same as in January.

March is perhaps the most trying month in theyear to the constitutions of new-comers. The atmosphereis usually very oppressive during this month—thesun being nearly vertical. The occasional showersof rain, and the slight tornadoes, which occur in thismonth, do not usually mitigate the oppressiveness ofthe atmosphere, as might be supposed. The variationin the state of the atmosphere, as indicated by thethermometer, seldom exceeds 6° during the whole ofthis month. The average height of the mercury isabout 85°.

April is significantly called the ‘tornado month,’the most numerous and most violent tornadoes usuallyoccurring during this month. The ordinary state ofthe weather, in reference to the degree of heat, andits influence on the system, is not very different fromthat of the three preceding months. The showers ofrain are usually more frequent, however; and thevisitations of those peculiar gusts, called tornadoes,are much more common in April, than in any othermonth. These are sudden, and sometimes violentgusts, which occur much more frequently at night,than during the day. Although they usually approachsuddenly and rapidly, yet certain premonitory evidencesof their approach are almost always presented,which are generally easily recognized by persons whohave frequently observed them. They generally commencefrom northeast, or east-northeast, and rapidly[13]shift around to nearly southeast; by which time thestorm is at its height.

At the commencement of a tornado, dark cloudsappear above the eastern horizon, which rapidlyascend, until a dense looking mass spreads over thewhole hemisphere. As the heavy mass of cloudsascends and spreads, the roaring sound of thewind becomes stronger and louder, until suddenly itbursts forth in its fury; sometimes seeming as if itwould sweep away every opposing object. Veryseldom, however, is any material injury sustainedfrom these violent gusts. The scene is sometimesawfully grand, for fifteen or twenty minutes, duringthe formation and continuance of a heavy tornado.Sometimes the whole hemisphere presents a scene ofthe deepest gloom; the darkness of which is momentarilyilluminated by vivid flashes of lightning, inrapid succession; and sometimes tremendous peals ofthunder burst upon the solemn stillness of the scene.The rain seldom falls, until the violence of the gustbegins to subside; when a torrent of rain usually poursdown for a short time, seldom more than half anhour; after which, the wind shifts around towardsthe west; and generally, in about an hour from thecommencement of the tornado, the sky becomes serene,and sometimes almost cloudless.

The weather during the month of May is usuallymore pleasant, than during the two preceding months.The atmosphere is generally not quite so warm andoppressive. Sometimes copious and protracted showersof rain fall, during the latter half of this month;so that the beginning of the rainy season usuallyoccurs in this month. Tornadoes also occasionallyappear, during the month of May. The averageheight of the mercury in the thermometer is usuallytwo or three degrees less, than during the four precedingmonths.

June is perhaps the most rainy month in the year.More or less rain usually falls nearly every day ornight in this month. Although there are sometimes[14]clear and pleasant days in June; yet, there are seldomtwenty-four successive hours of entire freedom fromrain. The sun is, however, seldom entirely obscuredfor a week at a time; and he frequently shines outbrightly and pleasantly, in the interstices between thefloating clouds, several times during the day; occasionallyfor several hours at a time. During thismonth, as during all the other rainy months, morerain always falls at night than in the day time;and, indeed, there are very few days in the year,in which the use of an umbrella may not be dispensedwith some time during the ordinary business hours.In the month of June, the atmosphere is always considerablycooler than during the preceding month;and I have generally found it necessary to wearwoolen outer as well as under garments; and to sleepbeneath thick covering at night, in order to be comfortablywarm. The sensible perspiration is alwaysmuch less, during the month, and the five succeedingmonths, than during the other six months in the year.The mercury in the thermometer seldom rises above80° in this month, the average height being about75°.

During the months of July and August, a greatdeal of rain also generally falls; but perhaps less inboth these months than in the preceding month.There is always a short season of comparatively dry,and very pleasant weather, in one or both of thesemonths. This season usually continues from threeto five weeks; and generally commences about the 20thor 25th of July, Sometimes, for several successivedays, the sun shines brilliantly and pleasantly allday; and no rain falls at night. The air, however, isalways refreshingly cool and agreeable. This is perhapsthe most pleasant time in the year. This is whatis commonly called ‘the middle dries.’ It seems as ifProvidence has specially ordered this temporary cessationof the rains, for the purpose of permitting theripening and gathering of the crops of rice, which aregenerally harvested in August.

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September and October are also generally veryrainy months; especially the former. Sometimesmore rain falls in September, than in any other monthin the year. Towards the close of October, rainsbegins to be less copious; and sometimes slighttornadoes appear, indicative of the cessation of therainy season. The sea-breezes are usually very strong,during these two months; and the atmosphere isgenerally uniformly cool, and invigorating to thephysical system.

During the month of November the weather is generallyvery pleasant, the temperature of the atmospherebeing agreeable to the feelings—not so cool asduring the five preceding months, and not so warmas during the five succeeding months, the averageheight of the mercury in the thermometer beingabout 82°. Frequent showers of rain usually fallduring this month, both in the day and at night; butgenerally they are of short duration. Slight tornadoesalso generally appear in this month. The sunmay usually be seen during a part of every day in themonth; and frequently he is not obscured by clouds,during the whole of the time in which he is above thehorizon. The middle of this month may be regardedas the beginning of the dry season.

December is also generally a very pleasant month.Occasional slight showers of rain fall during thismonth, sometimes several sprinklings in one day, butseldom for more than a few minutes at a time. Themornings in this month are peculiarly delightful.The sun usually rises with brilliancy and beauty; andthe hills and groves, teeming with the verdure ofperpetual spring, are enriched by the mingled melodyof a thousand cheerful songsters. Nothing that I haveever witnessed in the United States exceeds the lovelinessof a December morning in Liberia.”

9. Closely related to climate is health. Here againwe have no better information than that supplied usby Dr. Lugenbeel. He asserts that “the rainy seasonis decidedly more conducive to health than the[16]dry season in both new-comers and old settlers. Theoppressiveness of the atmosphere and the enervatingeffects of the weather, during the dry season, tend todebilitate the physical system, and thereby to renderit more susceptible of being affected. Persons whoarrive in Liberia during this season are more liableto attacks of fever than those who arrive during therainy season.” Monrovia is usually ranked withFreetown as being unusually unhealthy; conditionshave, however, considerably improved and are by nomeans so bad as in the early days. All new-comers,white and black alike, must undergo the acclimatingfever, but on the whole, blacks seem to suffer least.Remittent and intermittent fevers, diarrhoea and dysenteryare among the more common and seriousdiseases. Rheumatism occurs, though it is rarely violenteither in a chronic or acute form; dropsical affectionsare rather common, often due to debility afterfever; enlargement of the liver and spleen are common,the latter being most frequent in whites andmulattoes, and usually following upon fevers; themost common eruptive diseases are measles and erysipelas—bothmild; varioloid, though common, israrely fatal; flatulent colics are common; slightscratches and abrasions give rise readily to ulcers,more common in whites and mulattoes than in blacks.Leprosy is occasional among natives. Curious localdiseases are craw craw and yaws, both endemic cutaneoustroubles. The famous sleeping sickness, thescourge of Africa, is more frequent among nativesthan among the Americo-Liberians, but it has longbeen known in that region. The list sounds like along and dreadful one, but is, after all, far from appalling.Dr. Lugenbeel says: “Some other diseases,which are common to most countries, may be occasionallyobserved in Liberia; but the variety is muchless than in the United States; and except in someold chronic affections, in broken down constitutions,convalescence is generally much more rapid; in consequenceof the less violence of the attack. Among[17]the many attacks of fever, which I experienced, Inever was obliged to remain in my room more thana week, at any one time; and I very seldom was confinedto my bed longer than twenty-four hours. Thedanger in new-comers generally consists more in thefrequency than in the violence of the attacks of sickness.And the majority of colored immigrants, whohave sufficient prudence to use such means for thepreservation of good health in Liberia as enlightenedjudgment would dictate, usually enjoy as good health,after the first year of their residence, as they formerlyenjoyed in the United States. In some cases,indeed, the state of the health of the immigrant isdecidedly improved by the change of residence fromAmerica to Africa.” In another place, he says: “Insome cases, persons who might have enjoyed tolerablehealth in the United States, die very soon after theirarrival in Liberia, in consequence of the physical systemnot being sufficiently vigorous to undergo thenecessary change, in order to become adapted tothe climate. Hence the impropriety of persons emigratingto Liberia whose constitutions have becomemuch impaired by previous diseases, by intemperance,or otherwise. And hence the necessity of missionarysocieties being careful to guard the physicalas well as the moral qualifications of persons whooffer themselves as missionaries to Africa.”

10. So far as concerns the flora of the country,four different types present themselves. The beach,the river-swamp, the forest, the grass-lands presenttheir characteristic forms of plant-life. Five-sixthsof the Republic are covered with the densest tropicalforest; an enormous variety of gigantic trees growclosely crowded together and are bound by a tangleof vines and creeping plants into an almost impenetrablemass. Nowhere perhaps in the world is therea more typical tropical forest. The lower reaches ofthe rivers are bordered by a thicket of mangrovesand pandanus, the former by its curious mode ofgrowth—throwing downward from its branchesalmost vertical aerial roots which reach the water and[18]strike down into the soft, oozy mud of the river-bottom—stretchingfar out from the banks themselvesover the stream. Among the notable trees ofLiberia are mahogany, ebony, and other valuabletimber trees; camwood is abundant, and was formerlyan object of important export for dyeing purposes;coffee grows wild and is of fine quality; there arevarious gum-producing trees, among them that whichyields the gum arabic; the kola nut is common andhas long been exported from the Grain Coast; thereare various rubber-producing plants—the funtumiaand landolphia, the two most prized rubber-plants ofAfrica, occur abundantly—the former being a tree,the latter a vine; palms of many species occur;among them are the borassus or fan-palm, the calamusor climbing palm, the oil palm, a raphia, commonlyknown as the bamboo palm, which yields palm wineand the precious piassava fibre; notable is the greatcotton-tree, which is considered sacred by the natives,no doubt on account of its strange appearance, dueto enormous, thin, buttressing roots. There areflowers everywhere; water-lilies are common in theswamps, and lovely epiphytic orchids bloom uponthe forest trees.

11. The fauna is especially interesting becauseit presents an ancient facies, more like that of a bygoneage than of the present, In fact Sir HarryJohnston refers to it as being of the Miocene type.There are at least a dozen species of apes and monkeys,among which the most interesting is thechimpanzee; there are many species of bats of allsizes, some being insectivorous and others eatingfruits; there are a variety of wild cats, including theleopard, and the natives make a specialty of killingthem for their spotted skins; two species of mongooseare found; the red river hog is abundant; fourspecies of manis, with curious overlapping scales, ableto roll themselves up into a ball something like anarmadillo, are among the curious forms; the mostinteresting animal in the fauna perhaps is the waterchevrotain, a creature of no great size, but which[19]presents a curious intermediate or connecting formbetween the pig and camel on the one side and thedeer, giraffe, and antelope on the other; true antelopesare numerous in many species, some of whichare dainty little creatures; the buffalo, perhaps themost dangerous animal of Africa, occurs; elephantsare still found, and ever since the traders first visitedthe Grain Coast, ivory has been to some degree exported;the most famous of Liberian animals, however,is the pygmy hippopotamus, just like the largerspecies, but weighing perhaps only four hundredpounds when fully grown.

12. Bird-life, too, is abundant. There are naturallygreat numbers of water birds, both swimmersand waders—such as egrets and other herons, ibis,and the strange finfoot; hornbills are common; eaglesand vultures occur; one of the commonest and moststriking of the birds is the black and white crow;brilliant of plumage is the plantain-eater, but theparrots of the country are dull and inconspicuous.Of reptiles there are plenty. The python is the largestsnake, and grows to a length of thirty feet; there aremany species of serpents, including ten which arepoisonous; lizards are common, among them thechameleon with its varying color and its strange, independentlymovable eyes; crocodiles are common inall the rivers. There are fish in plenty, but the mostcurious certainly is the little bommi fish which comesout of the water, jumps about upon the bank, andeven crawls among the branches and bushes near thewater; in appearance and movement it is so like afrog that one at first does not realize that it is inreality a fish.

13. While beasts, birds, and reptiles are variedand numerous, it is surprising how inconspicuousthey are. In fact, unless one is really hunting forthese creatures, he may rarely see them. One mightspend months in Liberia and upon returning homedeclare that forest and stream were almost withoutinhabitants. There are, however, forms of life whichare very much in evidence. Insects and other invertebrate[20]forms abound; no one can overlook them.The termites or white ants are everywhere. Sometimesthey build their enormous hillocks of clay outin the open country; these are great constructionswhich rise to a height of six, eight, or ten feet andwhich, within, present a complicated system of passagesand tunnels; in the heart of this great nest thequeen lives immured in a clay cell. Another speciesof the white ant enters houses and works destruction;books, papers, wood, all may be destroyed. Thissort dislikes exposure to the sunlight and constructstunnels to protect themselves from it. Of true antsthere are many species, among which of course thedriver is the most famous; it travels in droves ofmillions, running in a continuous black line perhapsan inch in breadth and many rods in length; they arescavengers and clear everything within their path;their bite is painful, and one must look out for theirmoving column when he is upon the trail; they swarmupon and kill small animals which they encounter andclean their skeletons before they leave; when theyenter houses people are wise to vacate and leave themto clean out the place. The famous jigger is a recentimportation into Liberia, as into Africa generally; itburrows into human feet, causing an intolerable itching;ensconced, it develops a sack of eggs, round andof considerable size; unless this is removed, the eggshatch and the young burrow out into the sole ofthe foot; when itching is felt, search should be madefor its cause and the insect, sack and all, carefullyremoved with a needle; serious injury to the feet mayresult if jiggers are neglected. When one walks overthe trail during rainy weather, he sees great quantitiesof earth-worms of enormous size, even two feetsix inches or three feet in length. Scorpions and centipedesare not uncommon. We have not evensuggested the wide range and diversity of insect-life,but have simply mentioned samples of the moreconspicuous.

14. The human population of Liberia consists ofthe Americo-Liberians, who live in a number of small[21]settlements along the coast and upon some of themore important rivers, and the aborigines. The trulynative population consists of many different tribes,each with its own language, territory, government,and life. These tribes linguistically form three orfour groups. Delafosse, our best authority in regardto Liberian populations, recognizes four such groups;Sir Harry Johnston recognizes three. The four divisionsof Delafosse are Kru, Mandingo, Gola, Gbele—SirHarry Johnston’s are Kru, Mandingo, andKpwesi. We have already suggested that the tribesare many and diverse; within his Kru group Delafossenames eighteen tribes. The black populationsof Africa are usually divided into three great divisions—trueNegroes, Bantu, Negrillos (Pygmies andBushmen). The Liberian tribes are true Negroesand are to be distinguished from the Bantu populationsof Congo Belge and southern Africa. Mostof the native tribes are pagan. In the western halfof Liberia, however, Mohammedanism has taken holdof the great tribes of Mandingo and Vai. Amongall these natives the tribal organization and governmentremain in full force, although most of themrecognize the sovereignty of the Republic; nativedress, arts, and industries remain; among the pagantribes polygamy is common; domestic slavery stillexists; witchcraft is recognized and the ancientordeals are practiced.

Political Geography.

—1. The name Liberia wassuggested in 1824 by Robert Goodloe Harper, of Baltimore,Maryland, and has reference to the fact thatthe colony was established as a land of freedom; thecapital city, Monrovia, was also named on his suggestionin honor of the president of the United Statesat that time, James Monroe. The Republic of Liberiais divided for administrative purposes into four counties—Montserrado,Grand Bassa, Sinoe, and Maryland.These are named in order from west to east.The portion of Montserrado County lying aroundCape Mount forms a territory with Robertsport asits capital and chief city.

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2. It is difficult to learn reliable facts regardingthe population of Liberia. Sir Harry Johnston madea careful estimation of the number of Americo-Liberians,listing each of the settlements and statingtheir probable number of inhabitants. He found thetotal to be 11,850 persons—or in round numbers12,000; he estimated that there were 30,000 nativeswho had been more or less in contact with the whiteman and knew something of English or some otherEuropean language and of civilization; he estimatedthe total of untouched native population at 2,000,000persons. Delafosse, an exceptionally cautious observer,claims 30,000 civilized inhabitants. Gerardraises the citizen mass of the Republic to 80,000 persons,of whom 20,000 are Americo-Liberians and60,000 are natives who have submitted themselves tothe laws of the country. It is certain that Sir Harry’sestimate of the number of interior natives is at leastdouble the reality; so far as the other elements ofpopulation are concerned, he is probably somewhatnear the facts, although it is likely that his numberof 12,000 Americo-Liberians is an underestimate.

3. Most of the Americo-Liberian settlements areon the coast, although there are a number along theSt. Paul’s River and a few upon some of the otherrivers. There are four cities in the Republic, withmayor and common council; Monrovia, Grand Bassa,Edina, and Harper. The townships are Robertsport,Marshall, River Cess, Greenville, Nana Kru, Cavalla.In order to reduce the expense of the governmentservice, the Liberian government has limited the numberof open ports where foreigners may trade. Theopen ports at the present time include the cities andtownships above mentioned and also Manna, Nifu,Sasstown, and Fishtown. The remaining ports areopen for trade to Liberians but not to foreign traders.They are, Little Bassa, Tobakoni, New Cess, TradeTown, Grand Kulloh, Tembo, Rock Cess, Bafu Bay,Butu, Kroba, Beddo, Pickanini Cess, Grand Cesters,Wedabo, Puduke, Garawé.

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4. We reproduce Sir Harry Johnston’s table.[A] Itappears to have been carefully made and deservesconsideration. We happen to have another set offigures, however, which we can compare with his;we quote them from Ferguson’s Handbook of Liberia.In May, 1907, an amendment to the Constitution wassubmitted to the popular vote; 6579 votes were cast.Voters must be males of at least twenty-one years andowners of property; the population represented by[24]them would surely be at least three times this number—whichgives a minimum of 19,737. These figures,however, can not be depended upon without qualification,because no doubt “natives” were among thevoters; in fact, when matters of importance, uponwhich public opinion is actively aroused, are votedon, the “brother from the bush” is mustered to thepolls in considerable numbers. We copy the numbersvoting at different settlements in column parallel toSir Harry Johnston’s figures. Curious discrepanciesoccur, as for instance, cases where a larger numberof votes were cast than Sir Harry’s figure, which issupposed to give the total number of population.

5. As vital statistics for Liberia are rare, and itis interesting to know how immigrants survivedthe acclimating fever, we subjoin a table takenfrom the African Repository.[B]It is interesting[25]in various ways. The large number of deaths, nearlyone-half the total of immigrants, is not strange inview of the fact that a large part of the persons sentwere well on in years, or worn out through service.Such, and small children, were especially liable todie under the new conditions. Under the circ*mstances,the number of removals (presumably returnsto the United States) is not large. Most interestingof all, however, is the column of viable births. Howwould it compare with the present? The impressionthe visitor receives is that the Americo-Liberian populationis barely holding its own—if it is doing that.

Society.

—1. In considering the society of Liberia,and the problems with which the Liberian governmenthas had to deal, it is necessary to sharply distinguishthe different elements of which it is composed.We have already indicated them, but it will be wellhere to clearly separate them. We may first recognizeimmigrant and aboriginal populations. The immigrantpopulation, as we use the term, includes negroeswho have come from the United States, from theBritish West Indies, or from South America, andtheir descendants; this class also includes a numberof recaptured Africans and their descendants. Thefirst settlers were of course American freed-men fromthe United States. They and their descendants havealways formed the bulk of the Liberian population.Immigration from the United States has never entirelyceased, although in these latter days the new-comershave been people who were born in freedom.There is a very considerable number of so-called“West Indian Negroes” in Liberia; ever since thefoundation of the Republic there has been a smallbut rather steady influx of such individuals. Occasionallyimmigrants have also come from SouthAmerican colonies and from various British coloniesand settlements along the coast of West Africa; allof these new-comers are included under the generalterm of Americo-Liberians, even though they mayhave had no relation to America. During the early[26]days of Liberia it was customary to send Africans whohad been captured on slaving ships by American warvessels to Liberia for settlement; these individualswere known as recaptured Africans, and it was customaryto settle them in places by themselves;although such recaptured Africans rapidly acquiredthe improvements of civilization and showed themselvesindustrious, enterprising, and progressive,they were generally looked upon with more or lesscontempt by the other settlers. The aboriginal populationmay be divided into three quite differentgroups. The coast natives, Kru and others, havelong been in constant contact with white men andhave acquired considerable knowledge of the outsideworld; they are constantly employed by steamersboth as crews and in loading and discharging cargoes.In the western half of the Republic Mohammedan influenceis strong; the Mandingo, most of the Vai,and considerable numbers of such tribes as the Golaare Mohammedans; the influence of Mohammedanismis spreading and the presence of this element is destinedto have its effect upon the nation. The thirdelement of the native population is the interior nativesliving the old tribal life. Having thus called attentionto the different elements which mingle in Liberiansociety, it will be understood that our further discussionin this section has reference only to the civilizedLiberians.

2. The Liberian settlements generally consist ofwell built houses arranged along broad, straightstreets. The style of architecture is, as might beexpected, influenced by the plantation houses of oursouthern states before the war. It was natural thatthe freed-men, when they had a chance to develop,should copy those things with which they werefamiliar. Towns, houses, dress, life—all were reproductionsof what was considered elegant in the daysbefore removal. Of course Monrovia, as the capitalcity, is the best representative of the development.It is a town of perhaps 7,000 inhabitants; it is sharply[27]divided into two divisions, a civilized quarter uponthe summit of a ridge some 290 feet in height; herelive the Americo-Liberians and the European residents.The buildings are for the most part ratherlarge constructions of one and a half or two stories;the houses have large rooms with high ceilings andare generally supplied with balconies and porches.Krutown, lying along the water’s edge on the seacoastand fronting the interior lagoon, consists of large,rectangular native houses closely crowded together,and its narrow streets swarm with people. Five minutes’walk takes one from the Executive Mansion inthe heart of the civilized quarter to the heart ofKrutown.

While on the streets of Monrovia one may see astartling range of clothing, due to the fact that thereare pagan natives, Kru boys, Mohammedans, andAmerico-Liberians, all jostling and elbowing eachother. The Americo-Liberian dresses very much likecivilized people in our ordinary country towns. Thereare of course differences in wealth, and one may seeall grades of dress. On all public occasions men ofprominence appear in the regulation dress of oursouthern states. Sir Harry Johnston says that“Liberia is the land of the cult of the dress-suit.”Nowhere else have I ever seen so large a number, proportionally,of dress-suits, frock-coats, and stovepipehats as in Monrovia upon Sundays or days of celebration.

3. All speak English, and though Sir Harry doesnot like their English, it is far better than might beexpected, though there are indeed colloquialisms. Allwho meet you give friendly greetings. At first it issomething of a shock to have the children as they passsay “Mawnin, paw,” or address one as “daddy,” butone soon becomes accustomed to it. On the whole, thelife of the people is that of simple country folk. Theyare well satisfied with their condition and take lifeeasy. They love to sit on the porch and chat withpassers. On the whole, it must be admitted that they[28]lack energy. The number who really think, lead,direct, control, is very small. There is, as among ourown colored people here at home, something of over-elegancein both speech and manner. While a verylarge number of them read, few indeed have evena moderate education.

4. Sociability is largely developed. They loveto gather upon every kind of pretext. There are practicallyno places of public amusem*nt. In 1831 therewas a public library with twelve hundred volumes inthe city of Monrovia; to-day there is no public libraryor reading-room in the capital city. Lodges are numerousand the number of secret organizations isvery large. There are eight or ten Free MasonsLodges; the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows hassixteen lodges and upwards of three hundred members;the United Brothers of Friendship have lodgesat ten of the most important towns and The Sistersof the Mysterious Ten—which is the female branchof the order—has four temples; the IndependentOrder of Good Templars too is represented. Literarysocieties and lyceums are from time to time organized,but usually have a short existence; one, however,at Cape Palmas, seems to have outlived the usualperiod. A respectable Bar Association has been inexistence for several years, has annual meetings, andprints its proceedings.

5. There is little of what could be called literaryactivity in the Republic. One sees some books, butthere are no book-stores; the number of individualswho have modest private libraries must be very small.It is true, however, that a considerable number ofmen can write remarkably well. The public documentsof the Republic have always been well wordedand forceful. The messages of successive presidentsto the legislature have shown extraordinary ability.One who follows the dealings of Liberian officialswith foreign governments is constantly impressed bythe fact that in deliberation they show judgment, indiplomatic procedure extraordinary skill. It is certainly[29]no unjust discrimination to emphasize theliterary power of such men as Ex-President ArthurBarclay, Chief Justice J. J. Dossen, Ex-Secretary ofState F. E. R. Johnson, and Judge E. Barclay, a poetof no mean ability. Oratory is inherent in the raceand the number of individuals who can deliver apublic address of merit on the celebration of IndependenceDay or other occasion is very large. Suchorations are often put into print, and a considerablelibrary might be made of this kind of production.Comparatively few have written seriously on publicquestions or on history. Occasionally something inthis line is printed—Karnga’s Negro Republic onWest Africa, and Branch’s Sketch of the History ofArthington are samples. The one notable literaryman whom Liberia has produced is Edward WilmotBlyden, who died a year ago; his name is knownwherever the English language is read and his contributionsupon negro subjects were many andimportant.

6. Newspapers.—When we were in Monrovia inOctober and November, 1912, no newspaper wasprinted in the capital city. At that time six periodicalswere published at different places in the Republic.They were: The Living Chronicle, The SilverTrumpet, both printed at Cape Palmas; The AfricanLeague, at Grand Bassa; The Gazette (official) andLiberia and West Africa, at Monrovia. Three of thesepublications were missionary enterprises, one was anofficial monthly publication, and one was an actualnewspaper appearing monthly. This, The AfricanLeague, was conducted by J. H. Green, an Americannegro from Little Rock, Arkansas; it began in theUnited States and is now in its fifteenth volume; itwas removed to Liberia at the beginning of its fourthvolume, which was printed in Monrovia in 1902; itis now conducted at Buchanan, or Grand Bassa. TheAfrican League is a live sheet and discusses the questionsof the day with considerable independence.Newspapers in Liberia have a hard time and usually[30]maintain a brief existence; so true is this that personsare extremely cautious about subscribing by theyear to any publication for fear that it will end afterthe publication of the first few numbers; for thisreason it is more customary to buy single copies thanto subscribe for a definite term. Still worse than this,it is far more the custom for Liberian readers to borrownewspapers than to buy them; nowhere perhapsdoes a single copy of a periodical go so far. All ofthis makes editing and publishing an uphill task.

7. The importance of education in the BlackRepublic is by no means overlooked, but it has alwaysbeen difficult to raise the money to conduct schools.The office of Superintendent of Public Instruction isa Cabinet position. In 1912 ninety-one schools wereunder his direction. There are many mission schoolsin the Republic, some of them of high grade, and allof them doing a useful work. Liberia College has hadan existence of a half century, and most of the menof prominence in the later history of the Republichave received instruction within its walls; it has receiveda partial endowment from private Americansources, but is also assisted by financial aid from thegovernment. As education is one of the most seriousproblems facing the Republic, it will be discussed undera separate heading, and further comment maybe delayed.

8. The Liberians are a very religious community;the Bible is read with old-fashioned devotion; Theologyis of the orthodox and rigid type; Sunday is a dayof rest and religious duty, and Sabbath desecrationapproaches the dangerous. There are churches in allthe settlements, and in Monrovia and the other citiesseveral denominations are represented. The ProtestantEpiscopal, Methodist Episcopal, African Methodist,Baptist, Presbyterian, and Lutheran denominations[32]are represented either by independent churchesor by mission work. The emotional nature of thenegro is well known, and the religion which ministersto them in Liberia is emotional to a high degree; revivalsare common—in fact they recur probably atannual intervals—and are accompanied by all the displaysof extravagant and explosive demonstrationwhich once were common among the negroes of oursouthern states and earlier among white populationsin the north. Conviction of sin and the attainmentof glory are the two chief ends sought in these revivingefforts.

9. Some facts in regard to the history of churchesin Liberia may prove of interest. The first churchestablished was Baptist in 1821. It had been organizedin this country among emigrants about to sailto the land of hope; in its membership was the famousLott Carey, who served as leader and preacher. Thedenomination has had a varied history in Liberia; itspread rather rapidly and at one time was widelydeveloped; it suffered some decline thereafter, butstill has several congregations; it is strongest inMontserrado and Bassa Counties; it maintains aflourishing Sunday school in Monrovia.

In 1825 the famous Basle Mission undertook anestablishment in Liberia, several missionaries havingbeen sent out from Switzerland. Considerable correspondencetook place between the officers of the MissionSociety and the Colonization Society, and someof the missionaries visited the United States beforegoing to Liberia; these Swiss missionaries sufferedmuch from disease and death; the effort was continuedfor some time, but eventually the work wastransferred to Sierra Leone, and Liberia was leftunoccupied.

The Methodist Episcopal denomination enteredLiberia in 1832. It has continued in active workfrom that date until the present time; the presentmissionary bishop for Africa is Joseph Crane Hartzell,whose residence is Funchal, Madeira, and whose[33]field includes Liberia, Angola, and Madeira on thewest coast, and Rhodesia and Portuguese Africa onthe east coast. A resident bishop (colored) is maintainedat Monrovia, who is at present Isaiah B. Scott,a native of Kentucky, educated in the United States.The work is full of life and much headway is making.The Report of 1912 announces work at 49 differentstations in four districts—Bassa and Sinoe, CapePalmas, Monrovia, Saint Paul River Districts. Therewere 15 foreign missionaries, 3 other foreign workers,45 ordained and 86 unordained native preachers,4317 members. One College, 1 High School and29 elementary schools were reported, with a totalof 63 teachers and 1882 scholars. The work is wellsustained and $11,576 was contributed during theyear in the direction of self-support. The first missionarysent into this field was Melville B. Cox, wholived but a few months after his arrival. It is aninteresting fact that this Liberian mission is the firstforeign mission of the Methodist Episcopal church.

The first Presbyterian missionary to Liberia, JohnB. Pinney, organized a church in the colony in 1833;its first building was dedicated in 1838; a Presbyterywas organized in 1848, but was soon dissolved for lackof a legal quorum; it was organized again in 1851,when there were three churches in the country—Monrovia,Greenville, Clay-Ashland; the work was at firsta purely mission work, especially directed towardsthe aborigines; there were many deaths among theearly missionaries, and in 1842 the policy was establishedof sending only colored preachers; white men,however, were sent again in 1849. The mission maintainedchurches and schools, including the AlexanderHigh School at Monrovia. The work was continuedunder considerable discouragement, both white andblack missionaries dying in considerable numbers,until 1899, when it was abandoned by the motherchurch. Presbyterianism, however, did not die, buthas continued under local direction and with self-supportup to the present. It is reported that, in[34]1904, there were ten clergymen, nine churches, 450members, and 437 scholars on its lists. From an historicalsketch put out by the Presbyterian Board, wequote the following: “In 1894 the Board of ForeignMissions resolved that its wisest policy in regard tothe Liberian church would be to commit their supportto the zeal and devotion of their own members. Inpursuance of this resolve the amount of aid was graduallydiminished, until in 1899 the entire responsibilitywas given over to the Presbytery of WestAfrica. The latest report shows that the work hasnot fallen off in consequence. There are now fifteenchurches with about 400 members. This little flockof Liberian Presbyterians greatly need the prayersof Christians in America, that they may be kept faithfuland pure, and use aright their exceptional opportunitiesfor mission work among the pagan tribes.”A very pious prayer, but it would be interesting toknow how genuinely the American Presbyterians feelaught of interest in, and sympathy with, “this littleflock.” It is possible that, if the flock is to “usearight its exceptional opportunities for mission workamong the pagan tribes,” an occasional expressionmight be a stimulus to them.

The Protestant Episcopal Church began its workwith a little school for natives in the Cape PalmasDistrict in 1836. The work has prospered notably,and Bishop Ferguson in his latest annual report reported26 clergymen, 25 lay readers, 46 catechistsand teachers, of whom 21 were native Africans; hehad 479 baptisms in the year, of whom 423 were fromheathenism. The present number of communicantsis 2404, two-thirds of whom are native Africans; themission maintained twenty-two day schools and nineteenboarding schools with an attendance of 1210 inthe one, and 643 in the other. The work of this missionis approaching the point of self-support.

The Lutherans began their work in Liberia in 1860.It has been largely educational work; it centers atthe Muhlenburg Boys’ School, which, in 1911, reported[35]145 boarding pupils, and 13 day pupils; atthe Girls’ School in Harrisburg there were 61 boardingpupils and 17 day pupils; the mission maintainsthree schools in the interior, with a total of 71 boardingand 6 day pupils. One of the strong features oftheir work is that they encourage the boys to labor.“In vacation time they remain in the schools and putin their time on the farm, picking coffee, cutting andclearing land; some of them also worked in the work-shopsand in other ways around the mission, rowingthe boats and making themselves generally useful.The Girls’ School carries out similar plans of educationfor the girls.” This mission attempts to aid inits own support by actual production; the proceedsof its coffee sales during the year of 1911 were somethinglike $1,700, $1,000 of which amount was usedin the installation of a water-power plant. The missionsets an example in advanced methods which canbe helpful to the Republic at large; in reporting work,they say: “Until a few years ago, our coffee was allhulled by an old-fashioned mill consisting of two flatstones similar to the burrs of the old flour mills withwhich our parents were familiar. This was crude andslow, though it did its work fairly well. The chiefobjection to its use was the large number of grainswhich were broken. Five or six years ago a largeiron mill was installed, which effected a great savingboth in time and expense, and turned out coffee inmore marketable condition. An improved fanningmachine, differing from the grain fanners in Americaonly in the screens used, was put in beside the huller.By this machine we can grade the coffee satisfactorilyas to size of grain desired.” If only Liberian plantershad equally kept pace with the treatment of theircoffee harvest, the market would not have suffered soseverely as it has. The policy of this mission is tolocate a married couple as missionaries at interiorpoints separated from each other by considerable distances;these places are to be stations and head-quarterswithin populations estimated at about[36]150,000 persons; it is a capital plan and should exercisewide influence. In connection with the missiona store is conducted which not only maintains itself,but leaves a profit of some hundreds of dollars yearly;a tailor-shop, shoe-shop, a blacksmith-shop, and adoctor’s office, are also maintained, which not onlycare for themselves, but add somewhat to the income.On the whole, the work and plans of this mission aremarkedly practical.

The last mission in order of establishment is theAfrican Methodist Episcopal Church Mission,founded under Bishop Turner. It has been successfulunder the direction of Bishop Turner, BishopMoore, and Bishop Shaffer. Its superintendent isthe Rev. L. C. Curtis; it has five church buildings, 16ordained and 3 unordained preachers, 3 missionaryteachers, 501 members. It has an industrial schoolwith 100 acres of land on the St. Paul’s River. It isthe only one of all the missions which originates withcolored men and which is carried through withoutwhite assistance.

Government.

—1. The Declaration of Independenceof Liberia was adopted on July 26, 1847. It isa human document of extraordinary interest. As abasis for it, the declarers state their case in the followingwords: “We the people of the Republic ofLiberia, were originally inhabitants of the UnitedStates of North America. In some parts of that countrywe were debarred by law from all rights and privilegesof men—in other parts, public sentiment, morepowerful than law, ground us down. We were everywhereshut out from all civil offices. We were excludedfrom all participation in the government. Wewere taxed without our consent. We were compelledto contribute to the resources of the country, whichgave us no protection. We were made a separate anddistinct class, and against us every avenue of improvementwas effectually closed. Strangers from alllands, of a color different from ours, were preferredbefore us. We uttered our complaints, but they were[37]unattended to, or met only by alleging the peculiarinstitution of the country. All hope of a favorablechange in our country was thus wholly extinguishedin our bosoms, and we looked about with anxiety forsome asylum from the deep degradation.” The wholedocument is well worth reading.

2. The Constitution was adopted on the same day,which date is celebrated annually as the birthday ofthe nation. The document is largely patterned afterour own, but presents some interesting points of difference.Among these, three deserve special mention.Slavery is absolutely prohibited throughout the Republic.Citizenship is limited to negroes or personsof negro descent; in the original Constitution thewording was, that it was confined to “persons ofcolor,” but, as curious questions gradually arose inregard to who should be considered “persons ofcolor,” an amendment was adopted, changing theexpression to “negroes or those of negro descent.”The ballot is cast by male citizens, twenty-one yearsof age, and owning real estate.

3. This Constitution remained without amendmentfor sixty years. In the beginning the term ofpresident, vice-president, and representatives hadbeen fixed at two years, and that of senators at four;experience demonstrated that these terms were tooshort and a vigorous agitation to lengthen them tookplace. The Liberians are a conservative people andlook back with pride to the doings of the “fathers”;very strong feeling was aroused at the suggestion ofchanging the wording of the sacred document whichthey had left. In time, however, sufficient sentimentwas developed to lead to the submission of amendmentsat the election of 1907; the amendments werecarried by a vote of 5112 to 1467. By these amendmentsthe term of office of president, vice-president,and representatives was extended to four years andthat of senators to six.

4. The flag of the Republic has six red stripeswith five white stripes alternately displayed longitudinally;[38]in the upper angle of the flag, next to thestaff, a field of blue, square, covers five stripes indepth; in the centre of the field is a lone white star.

5. The great seal of the Republic bears the followingdesign:—a dove on the wing with an openscroll in its claws; a ship under sail upon the ocean;the sun rising from the water; a palm-tree, with aplough and spade at its base; above, the words:Republic of Liberia; below, the national motto: TheLove of Liberty Brought Us Here.

6. The government of Liberia consists of three co-ordinatebranches—the Executive, Legislative, andJudicial. The executive branch consists of the President,Vice-President, and a Cabinet of seven members.The Legislature consists of two houses—theSenate and the House of Representatives. The judicialbranch consists of a Supreme Court with a ChiefJustice and two Associates, and Circuit Courts underthe supervision of the Supreme Court. The President,Vice-President, and Congressmen are elected;all other officers of state are appointed by the President,subject to the approval of the Senate.

7. The President and Vice-President are electedby the voters for a period of four years. The President’sCabinet consists of seven members—Secretaryof State, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of theInterior, Secretary of War and Navy, Postmaster-General,Attorney-General, Superintendent of theDepartment of Education. These officers have theusual functions connected with such positions. TheVice-President is President of the Senate.[C]

[C] The present President of the Republic is Daniel EdwardHoward. He is the third “native son” to hold that office—thefirst having been President Johnson. President Howard’sCabinet consists of the following members: Secretary ofState, C. D. B. King; Secretary of the Treasury, John L. Morris(son of the Secretary of the Interior); Secretary of the Interior,James Morris; Secretary of War and Navy, Wilmot E. Dennis;Postmaster-General, Isaac Moort; Attorney-General, Samuel A.Ross; Superintendent of the Department of Education, BenjaminW. Payne (educated in the U. S.). The Vice-Presidentis Samuel G. Harmon, of Grand Bassa, whose father was vice-presidentin 1876.

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8. The Legislature consists of the Senate and theHouse of Representatives. The Senate consists ofeight members, two from each county; they areelected for a term of six years. The House of Representativesat the present time includes fourteen members,apportioned as follows: Montserrado County,four; Grand Bassa County, three; Sinoe County,three; Maryland County, three; Cape Mount Territory,one. Notwithstanding its small size, this Legislaturehas as broad a range of matters to consider asany legislative body elsewhere; thirty-two committeesdeal with matters ranging from foreign affairs andcommerce through military and naval affairs, nativeAfrican affairs, and pensions, to engrossing and enrolling.Naturally in such a multiplicity of committees—mostof which consist of five members—ampleopportunity is found for the development of politicalability among the members; it seems, however, as ifmembership on twenty-two committees, a case ofwhich occurs in the present standing committee roll,was over-ambition or over-loading. In case of necessitythe President, Vice-President, and Cabinet officersmay be impeached. Impeachment must originatein the House of Representatives; the trial is made bythe Senate, over which at the time the Chief Justiceof the Supreme Court presides.

9. The judicial branch of the government consistsof the Supreme Court, with a Chief Justice and twoAssociates, and of Circuit Courts with rotating judgesunder the supervision of the Supreme Court. Alljudges are appointed by the President. The SupremeCourt holds two sessions annually; the Circuit Courtshold quarterly.

10. Mr. George W. Ellis, for a number of yearssecretary of our legation at Monrovia, and exceptionallywell informed regarding Liberian affairs, states[40]that the political authority of the President is exercisedin the counties and territories by a governorappointed by the Executive, who is called Superintendent.In the interior the President is representedby a Commissioner, who presides over each commissioner-district,and who associates with himself thenative chiefs in the control or government of thenative peoples in his district. In some instances thisCommissioner has judicial functions, from which anappeal lies to the Quarterly and Supreme Courts.The authority of the Commissioner is supported bya detachment of the Liberian Frontier Police Force,with head-quarters at the Monrovia barracks.

11. In the matter of lesser courts there are Quarterly,Probate, and Justice courts, for each of thecounties and territories. The judges can only be removedfor cause, the President suspending, and hissuspension meeting the approval of the Legislature.Monrovia recently abolished the Justices of the Peaceand established a Municipal Court with a specialjudge, whose tenure of office is during good behavior.

12. Politics is in great vogue. The Liberianshave never liked to work. Since the establishment ofthe colony, agriculture even has had but slight attractionsfor the people. It is not strange, all things considered.The ancestors of these people used to workhard in the fields before they went over there; onereason they went was that they wanted to escape field-labor.They had always been accustomed to see theirmasters live in ease, without soiling their hands withtoil; when they became their own masters, they naturallywanted to be like the men to whom they hadbeen accustomed to look up with respect. Trade hasalways been in high repute. It was easy for the new-comersto trade with the natives of the country andrapidly acquire a competence. So far as work wasconcerned, there were plenty of “bush nigg*rs” tobe had cheaply. There is, however, another way ofescape from manual labor besides trade—that is professionallife. Everywhere people who do not wish[41]to work with their hands may seek a learned profession;it is so here with us—it is so there with them.The Liberians would rather be “reverends” or doctorsor lawyers than to work with their hands. Ofall the professions, however, law seems to be the favorite.The number of lawyers in Liberia is unnecessarilylarge, and lawyers naturally drift into politics;they aim to become members of Congress or judgesof the Supreme Court or members of the Cabinet orPresident of the Republic. It is unfortunate that somany of them are anxious for that kind of life; butthey are skilled in it, and we have nothing to teachthem when it comes to politics.

13. Ellis says: “... the most notable characteristicof Liberian government is the existencepractically of only one political party. The reasonsfor this no doubt are many, but important, if not chiefamong them, is the economic depression which followedthe decline in the price of Liberian coffee.Coffee was the overshadowing industry of the Republic.The Liberian planters had invested all thecapital they had in the coffee industry, and whencoffee went down in the early nineties, the differentLiberian communities were thrown into such a paralysisof hard times that they have not recovered to thisday. Disheartened and financially distressed, formerlystrong, self-sustaining, and independent,Liberian planters one after another abandoned theirplantations and transferred their time and attentionfrom coffee and the farm to politics and office-seeking.And while something is due to the ability of theadministrations to undermine opposition by capturingits capable leaders through the charm of politicalpreferment, something due to the smallness of thecivilized population and the disposition of voter andleader alike to be on the winning side, yet, economicdepression is at the foundation of the one-party systemwhich now obtains in Liberia.”

14. Still there has ever been a nominal divisioninto parties. Again we quote from Ellis: “Thus[42]after the adoption of the Liberian constitution thepeople divided themselves into two parties under thesame names as those which obtained at the time inthe United States—the Republican and the Whigparties. For some time the Republican Party hasceased to exist in Liberian politics. The oppositionto the Whig Party has been for the most part unorganized,without wise and resourceful leaders, andwithout funds adequate to compete with the dominantWhig administrations in national campaigns. Butlike the present Republican Party of the UnitedStates, the Liberian Whigs have met all the Liberiandifficulties during the past thirty years or more. TheWhigs had been progressive, and inspired by wiseand distinguished statesmen, the Liberian Whigs haverepeatedly addressed themselves with success to theLiberian voters. Opposition to the Whig Party inLiberia at the polls seems now to have little or nochance of success, so that nomination on a Whig ticketis equivalent to election.”

15. All this is true, but after all, at the last electionthere was a considerable awakening of partyspirit; it was a bitter political contest. The cry offraud was loudly raised; seats in Congress were challengedby more than half the total number of membership;the question was seriously asked how an investigationwould be possible on account of the lackof unimplicated to conduct it. This outburst of feelingand this cry of fraud, came at a bad moment; thenation was appealing for our financial assistance; itwas feared that a bad impression might be producedby the condition of disharmony; under this fear, personalfeeling was for the time suppressed and thedemand for investigation dropped.

16. We have already said that the Liberians areskilled in politics and that we have but little to teachthem. They know quite well what graft means. Infact, graft of the finest kind exists and has existedamong the native Africans from time beyond thememory of man; if the Americo-Liberians could[43]have escaped from our own republic without ideas inthis direction, such would quickly have been developedthrough contact with their native neighbors.Unfortunately there is considerable opportunity forgraft in the black Republic. The actual salaries ofpublic officers and congressmen are very small. Importantconcessions are, however, all the time beingdemanded by wealthy outside interests. English,German, French, American promoters have alwayssomething to propose to that little legislature, andthey never come with empty hands. One of the greatestdangers which the nation faces is found in thesegreat schemes of exploitation offered from outside.The natural resources of the country are very great;but they should be, so far as possible, conserved forthe benefit of the people and the nation. The temptationto betray the nation’s interest for presentpersonal advantage is always very great.

Economics

—1. We have already called attentionto the attitude of the Americo-Liberian toward manuallabor and have shown that it is, on the whole,natural under the circ*mstances. Where there aresharp contrasts between the elements of society, asthere are in Liberia between the Americo-Liberians,the Vai, the Kru, and the “Bush nigg*rs,” there isbound to develop more or less of caste feeling. Thiswas inevitable with people who had themselves comefrom a district where caste was so marked as in oursouthern states. The natives have never been consideredthe full equals of the immigrants nor treated asbrothers; they are “hewers of wood” and “drawersof water”; they are utilized as house servants. Itis convenient to be able to fill one’s house with “bushnigg*rs” as servants, and the settlers have done sofrom the early days of settlement. Why indeed shouldone himself work where life is easy and where moneyis quickly made through trade? This feeling of casteshowed itself in various curious ways—thus the colonistssoon fell into the habit of calling themselves[44]“white men” in contrast to the negroes of thecountry.

2. For the present and for some time still thechief dependence of the country is necessarily tradein raw products. Wealth must come from palm nutsand oil, piassava, rubber, and the like. In such productsthe Republic has enormous wealth. These canonly be secured from the interior through native help.In order that this kind of trade develop, it must bestimulated by legitimate means. At present it is notas flourishing as it might be. The natives are notsteady workers; they bring in products when theyfeel like it or when they have a pressing need ofmoney; trails are bad, and transportation of rawproducts for great distances is hardly profitable.Yet, if the country is to develop, this production mustbe steadily increased.

3. Ultimately Liberia must depend on agriculture.With a fertile soil, a tropical climate, abundant rainfall—itspossibilities in the direction of agriculturalproduction are enormous. This industry will be thepermanent dependence of the country. It must bethe next in order of development. Serious developmentof manufacturing appears remote. Agriculturehas always been neglected; Ashmun pleaded with thenatives to go into it and prepared a little pamphletof directions applicable to the local conditions;friends have begged the people ever since to pay lessattention to trade and more to cultivation; all invain. It is true, however, that ever since the daysof early settlement, there has been some attentiongiven to the matter of field culture. There was atime when there were extensive plantations of coffeeand fields planted with sugar-cane. For a time theseplantations were successful, but hard luck came; foreigncompetition arose, careless and wasteful methodswere pursued, and a paralysis seems to have fallenupon the industry. Sons of those who once were successfulplanters have moved into Monrovia and enteredpolitics. In the old days there were native villages[45]in the vicinity of the capital city; then bullockswere constantly to be seen in the Monrovian marketand fresh meat was easily secured; to-day the nativetowns have retreated into the interior, and Monroviadepends upon the steamers for fresh meat supplies.

4. Through the over-emphasis placed upon trade,there has grown up a needless importation of foreignarticles. It is not only meat that is brought in fromother lands; there was a time when the making ofshingles was a fairly developed industry—to-day corrugatedroofing comes from the outside world; one ofthe chief foods of the Liberians is rice—it is also oneof the chief crops among the native tribes—the nativerice is of most excellent quality—yet the rice eatenby Americo-Liberians is imported from foreign countries.There are many articles which might as wellor better be produced in Liberia, furnishing employmentand a source of wealth for many of the population,which to-day are imported in poorer qualityand higher prices from outside.

5. There is a widespread feeling that Liberia hasgreat mineral wealth. No doubt a part of this isjustified; much of it, however, is merely due to thefact of ignorance regarding the interior of the country.There are surely gold and copper; there is iron,no doubt, in abundance; we have already mentionedthe possibility of diamonds. Under such conditionsit is natural that men throughout the whole Republicare ever dreaming of making lucky finds. Anythingfound anywhere, which chances to have lustre, is consideredprecious and leads to hopes of sudden andenormous wealth. This widespread expectation ofalways finding a bonanza is certainly unfortunatefor any population; it is unfortunate for Liberia, butjust enough of actual mineral wealth will always bediscovered to keep it vigorous. It would be well indeedfor the black Republic if it were lacking completelyin mineral wealth. It is likely that the discoveryof valuable deposits will harm the country farmore than help it. Such discoveries are certain to[46]enlist rapacious foreign capital and to lead to constantinterference and ultimate intervention. Ifwhite men in Dutch South Africa were unable to resistthe aggressions of avaricious English miners,what chance can the small black Republic stand? Thevery day I wrote this passage, I received a letter froma well-informed Americo-Liberian. He closes withthese words: “I am told that the English haveopened up a gold mine in the rear of Careysburg onthe St. Paul’s River. This is the last settlement onthe river, thirty miles inland. Of course, it is bygrant of the legislature, but all based on fraud, asI am told. The yield, I learn, is very great, of whichLiberia sees and knows nothing. The whole thing isguarded by an English force.” I have no means ofknowing how much truth there may be in this statementof my correspondent. Just such things, however,do occur, will occur, and such things are fraughtwith danger.

6. It is common to speak in terms of pessimismregarding the economic conditions of Liberia. Thishas been true for years. In 1881, Stetson spoke asfollows in his Liberian Republic as It Is: “This conditionof hopeless bankruptcy is fraught with dangerto the existence of the Republic. The cords whichbind her to England are being drawn closer and closer,her exports go largely to England, her imports arefrom England, her loans are from England, and whatfew favors she has to grant, or are received of her,are to English capitalists; notably a charter recentlygiven to an English company for a railroad extendingtwo hundred miles back from Monrovia, the capital,and designed ultimately to connect that port with thehead-waters of the Niger. English influence and gunboatsmay at any moment settle the question of thefuture of Liberia.” It will be seen that this waswritten after the time when Liberia solicited her firstloan from England—the notorious loan of 1870.

7. Thirty years have passed since then. Englandhas encroached, but she has not yet absorbed theLiberian Republic. Meantime, while conditions are[47]far from satisfactory, they have improved; Englandstill has large relations with Liberia, but there hasbeen a wise development of common interests withGermany since 1870. To-day Germany has greatershipping interests, greater trade interests, greaterprospects than has Britain. Germany may some timebecome a menace, but certainly for the present she isa safer friend for Liberia than England. So far asthe present financial circ*mstances in Liberia are concerned,a few figures may be quoted. For the tenyears, from 1893 to 1903, the receipts of the nationamounted to $2,243,148, and the expenses to $2,171,556;an average annually of something like $225,000of income, $217,000 of outgo. In 1905 receipts were$357,000 and expenditures $340,000. In 1911 the incomerose to $443,255 and the estimated outgo wasprobably $481,954. These figures are very far fromdiscouraging, and there is no reason why they shouldnot be notably increased by judicious management.

8. We reproduce a little table of the receipts fromcustoms. It will well repay careful examination.

It will be seen that during the short space of timerepresented by this table the receipts in customs havemore than doubled. By fair dealings with the nativesof the interior and by the improvement of roads,this income can be greatly multiplied.

9. It is hardly to be expected, in a population suchas that with which we are here dealing, that thereshould be a large development in postal service. Thestatistics of the four years, from 1907 to 1910 showus the general movement of postal matter. The totalamount is by no means insignificant and a fair growthis evident.

POSTAL STATISTICS

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10. The Republic is now in telegraphic connectionwith the outside world. Gerard tells us that “theGerman-South-American Telegraph Society, with acapital stock of 30,000,000 marks, has recently laid acable at Monrovia which will place the negro capitalhereafter in rapid communication with the civilizedworld. Up to this time telegraphic messages addressedto Liberia were delivered at Freetown, and there wereentrusted to the ordinary postal service, upon thesemi-monthly mail-boats conducting business betweenSierra Leone and the Grain Coast. Constructedby the North German Marine Cable Factory ofNordenham-am-Weser, the cable, destined to drawthe little Guinean Republic from its isolation, startsfrom Emden, passes under sea to the island Borkum,connects at Teneriffe, in order then to reach Monrovia,from whence it is finally directed to Pernambuco, theterminal point of the line. On the other hand, theSouth American Cable Co. of London, a French societywith a French director and supported by Frenchcapital, has obtained a concession with a view to theestablishment of a submarine cable connecting Conakry(Guinea) with Grand Bassam (Ivory Coast), touchingat Monrovia, and it is interesting to notice inpassing that there has been arranged, in connectionwith this matter, between Germany and France afriendly relationship permitting the German cable totouch at Brest, allowing the French installation to beaccomplished through the German cable, and obligingthe two rival companies to have similar tariffs andgiving each of them the right of using the apparatusof the other in case of the breaking of its own connection.It is also to the French government that theexclusive right has been given of establishing a wirelesstelegraph station which will connect Monroviawith the Eiffel Tower via Dakar and Casablanca, whileposts, constructed at Conakry, Tabou, and Cotonouwill give origin to radio-telegraphic connectionsbetween Liberia, French Guinea, the Ivory Coast, andDahomey; the importance of this project, to-day in[49]course of execution, will escape no one, since one willunderstand that there is question here of installing theMarconi system in Madagascar and at Timbuctu, andof thus enclosing the whole black continent in a networkof rapid communication of which France alonewill have control.”

All three of these enterprises have been successfullycarried through, and to-day Liberia is in easy connectionwith every part of the civilized world. It isa notable step forward.

11. Five lines of steamers make regular stops uponthe coast of Liberia. Chief of these is the greatWoermann Line, of Hamburg. Two regular sailingsweekly in both directions touch at Monrovia. Nextin importance are the British steamships controlledby Elder Dempster and Co. They have a combinationconsisting of the African Steamship Co. and theBritish African Steam-Navigation Co. These boatsmake two weekly sailings from Liverpool and onemonthly sailing from Hamburg. Nor are these theonly landings made by these lines at Liberian ports.It is probable that the Woermann Line makes threehundred calls annually, and the Elder Dempster Linestwo hundred and fifty, at Liberian ports. A recentarrangement which, if given fair attention, promisesa notable development, has been entered into betweenthese two companies, whereby every two months aboat sails from New York to Monrovia and return;The English and German lines alternate in supplyingthis steamer. Besides these two lines of chiefimportance, three other lines make stops at Monrovia—theSpanish Trans-Atlantic Co., of Barcelona,Fraissinet and Co., of Marseilles, France, and theBelgian Maritime Co. of Congo, from Antwerp.

12. Considering the dangers of its coast, the light-houseservice of the Republic is far from satisfactory.The old light-house at Monrovia, for years a disgrace,has been replaced by a more modern apparatus; atGrand Bassa a light-house was erected at the privateexpense of Mr. S. G. Harmon, a successful Liberian[50]merchant, now the Vice-President of the Republic;at Cape Palmas a good light-house has been erected,visible at all times to a distance of six miles—this costabout $9000 and was a gift from the French authorities.It is somewhat doubtful whether it was goodpolicy to accept a gift from a neighbor, who has madedefinite efforts to crowd Liberians out of the CavallaRiver, which forms the natural boundary between theGrain Coast (Liberia) and the Ivory Coast (French).

13. The whole west coast of Africa has for centuriesdepended only on foreign trade. Portuguese,Dutch, French, English, Germans, have all playedtheir part. Most of these nations still have interestsin that portion of the world. So far as the LiberianRepublic is concerned, representatives of foreignhouses have numerous trading-posts upon its coast.The house of A. Woermann has factories at Monrovia,Cape Mount, Bassa, Sinoe, and Cape Palmas. J. W.West (Hamburg) is established at Monrovia, CapeMount, Grand Bassa, and Sinoe. Wiechers and Helmare at Monrovia and Cape Palmas. Wooden and Co.(Liverpool), Patterson and Zachonis (Liverpool),Vietor and Huber, C. F. Wilhelm Jantzen (Hamburg),and the American Trading Co. (establishedonly in 1911), are among those who trade in Liberia.

14. A number of development companies have atdifferent times been formed with the intention ofexploiting the black Republic. Many of these havebeen fraudulent enterprises and have come to nothing;some, started in good faith, have failed; a few—avery few out of many—have developed promisingly.The English Liberian Rubber Corporation has a farmof 1000 acres with 150,000 rubber-trees alreadyplanted; this was begun in 1904 and has now reachedthe period of yielding; in 1912 it was expected that itwould prove a paying proposition. The LiberianTrading Co. (English) are exporting mahogany andother valuable woods. They are opening commercialhouses in different parts of the country and seekingconcessions from the government to open roads. The[51]Liberian Development Co. (English) discovered goldand diamonds in 1908 and are now importing heavymachinery to work their mines, together with materialsfor a railway to them, and have already laid partof the railway; this is probably the company to whichmy correspondent, already quoted, refers. One of thelatest of the development companies is the Liberian-AmericanProduce Co., which was chartered in 1910by the national legislature with the approval of thepresident of the Republic for a period of sixty years.It was given large and varied powers, among thembeing the right to build for itself or for the government,roads, bridges, harbor-improvements, railways,etc.; and the company was granted a concession of ahundred square miles with the privilege of taking upthis land in any sized blocks, anywhere in the countryby simply filing in the State Department a descriptionof the lands thus taken up. The company has alreadyselected four square miles of land containing mineraldeposits, and plans to start active operations in trade,agriculture, and mining.

15. As the subject of the financial outlook of theRepublic will come up again for consideration, weare here only completing our descriptive picture ofthe Republic. She has long been in debt; her resourceshave been mortgaged; her customs-houses have beenin the hands of receivers. She has recently consolidatedall her debts, foreign and domestic, and hassecured a loan through the kind offices of the UnitedStates of $1,700,000. This loan has been guaranteedby the customs-house receipts, and the customs-serviceis now under the direction of an international receivership.

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HISTORY

1821-1828.

The American Colonization Society was founded inWashington in December, 1816. To it Liberia is due.On the 23rd of December, 1816, the legislature of Virginiarequested the governor of the state to correspondwith the President of the United States “forthe purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast ofAfrica, or at some other place not within any of thestates, or territorial governments of the United States,to serve as an asylum for such persons of color as arenow free, and may desire the same, and for those whomay hereafter be emancipated within this commonwealth.”A few days after this a meeting was held atWashington to which persons interested were invited.Bushrod Washington presided; Mr. Clay, Mr. Randolph,and others took part in the discussions whichensued and which resulted in the organization of theAmerican Colonization Society. Judge Washingtonwas chosen president, a board of twelve managerswere selected, together with seventeen vice-presidentsfrom various states. The object of the Society wasclearly set forth in the first and second articles of itsconstitution. “Article 1. This society shall be calledThe American Society for Colonizing the Free Peopleof Color of the United States. Article 2. The objectto which attention is to be exclusively directed, is topromote and execute a plan of colonizing (with theirconsent) the free people of color residing in our country,[53]in Africa, or such other place as Congress shalldeem most expedient. And the Society shall act toeffect this object in co-operation with the generalgovernment and such of the states as may adopt regulationson the subject.”

We do not desire in the least to minimize the good,either of the intent or result, of the American ColonizationSociety. It is, however, only just to say thatit was not a purely benevolent organization. Itsmembership included different classes. Of this Jaysays: “First, such as sincerely desire to afford thefree blacks an asylum from the oppression they sufferhere, and by their means to extend to Africa theblessings of Christianity and civilization, and who atthe same time flatter themselves that colonization willhave a salutary influence in accelerating the abolitionof slavery; Secondly, such as expect to enhance thevalue and security of slave property, by removing thefree blacks; and Thirdly, such as seek relief froma bad population, without the trouble and expense ofimproving it.” As a matter of fact, the AmericanColonization Society was largely an organization ofslave holders. Judge Washington was a southernman; of the seventeen vice-presidents twelve werefrom slave states; of the twelve managers all wereslave holders. Through a period of years the AmericanColonization Society and the Abolition Societiesof the United States waged a furious conflict. The realpurpose of the organization was to get rid of the freeblacks at any cost, and the attitude of its memberstoward free blacks was repeatedly expressed in thestrongest terms. Thus, General Harper, to whom thenames Liberia and Monrovia were due, said: “Freeblacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves.”Mercer, a vice-president of the Society, spokeof them as a “horde of miserable people,—the objectsof universal suspicion,—subsisting by plunder.”Henry Clay, an original member of the Society andfor many years vice-president, said: “Of all classesof our population, the most vicious is that of the[54]free colored—contaminated themselves, they extendtheir vices to all around them.” Again Clay said:“Of all the descriptions of our population, and ofeither portion of the African race, the free personsof color are by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved,and abandoned.” And yet these excellentgentlemen repeatedly stated that in sending freeblack men to Africa, they were actually combattingthe slave trade and Christianizing the natives. Clayhimself said, in the same speech in which he referredto the free blacks as “corrupt, depraved, abandoned.”***“The Society proposes to send out not oneor two pious members of Christianity into a foreignland; but to transport annually, for an indefinitenumber of years, in one view of its scheme, 6,000, inanother, 56,000 missionaries of the descendants ofAfrica itself, to communicate the benefits of our religionand the arts.” Stripped of all pretense, the factswere that the free blacks of the day were not wantedin America, and that they must somehow be got ridof; accordingly they were dumped upon the Africanwest coast.

This idea of recolonizing black men into Africa isnot a new one; as far back as 1773, at which timeslavery was common in New England, Dr. SamuelHopkins became convinced of its wickedness and,with Dr. Stiles (afterwards president of Yale College)made an appeal to the public in behalf of some coloredmen whom he was preparing to send to Africa as missionaries.The Revolutionary War interfered withhis plan. In 1783 Dr. Thornton, of Washington,proposed a colonization scheme and organized aboutforty New England colored men to go to Africa;his scheme failed for lack of funds. The BritishSierra Leone Company in 1786 organized its colonyat Sierra Leone for freed blacks. When ThomasJefferson was President, he made application to theSierra Leone Company to receive American negroes,but his request failed of effect. From 1800 to 1805the project of colonization was again discussed. Very[55]interesting was the work of Paul Cuffy, born in NewBedford, Mass., of negro and Indian parents; he wasa man of ability, gained considerable wealth, andowned a vessel; he induced about forty persons toembark with him for Sierra Leone in 1815; they werewell received and settled permanently in that colony.Paul Cuffy had larger schemes of colonization andplanned to transport a considerable number of Americannegroes to Africa, but died before his plans wererealized.

In 1818 the Society sent Samuel J. Mills andEbenezer Burgess to seek a suitable location for thecolony. Samuel J. Mills was the young man to whomthe work of foreign missions of the United States waslargely due; after he graduated from college, heplanned to establish a colony in the West; he becameinterested in a seminary for the education of coloredmen, who should go to Africa as missionaries, atParsippany, N. J. Mills and Burgess went by wayof England, where they called upon various personsof prominence in the hope of receiving informationand advice which might be of use to them. Theysailed from the Downs, England, in February, 1818,and were in Sierra Leone before the end of March;they examined the conditions there with interest andthen, in company with John Kizell and a Mr. Martin,went farther down the coast; they reached SherbroIsland on the first of April and decided to found thesettlement there.

This John Kizell, who was with them as adviserand friend, was a black man, a native of the countrysome leagues in the interior from Sherbro. His fatherwas a chief of some consequence and so was hisuncle. They resided at different towns; and whenKizell was yet a boy he was sent by his father on avisit to his uncle who desired to have the boy withhim. On the very night of his arrival the house wasattacked. A bloody battle ensued in which his uncleand most of his people were killed. Some escaped,the rest were taken prisoners, and among the latterwas Kizell. His father made every effort to release[56]him, offering slaves and ground for him; but hisenemies declared that they would not give him up forany price, and that they would rather put him todeath. He was taken to the Gallinhas, put on boardof an English ship, and carried as one of a cargo ofslaves to Charleston, S. C.—He arrived at Charlestona few years before that city was taken by Sir HenryClinton. In consequence of the General’s proclamation,he, with many other slaves, joined the royalstandard.—After the war he was remanded toNova Scotia from which place he came to Africa in1792. Kizell had established a small colony of coloredpeople on Sherbro Island. He had prospered intrade, built a church, and was preaching to his countrymen.

Having accomplished the purpose of their journey,the commissioners started again for the United States.On the voyage Mills died.

On March 3, 1819, the Congress of the United Statespassed an act which was of consequence to the causeof African colonization. It provided that the Presidentof the United States should have authority toseize any Africans captured from American orforeign vessels, attempting to introduce them into theUnited States in violence of law, and to return themto their own country. It provided also for the establishmentof a suitable agency on the African coast forthe reception, subsistence, and comfort of these personsuntil they could be returned to their relatives, orprovide for their own support. From the time of thepassage of this act the government and the Societyworked in practical co-operation.

The first shipment of colonists took place in February,1820, from New York, by the ship Elizabethwhich had been chartered by the government. Itcarried two agents of the United States Government—Rev.Samuel Bacon and John P. Bankson; Dr.Samuel A. Crozer was sent as agent of the AmericanColonization Society; 88 emigrants accompanied them,who had promised in return for their passage and[57]other aid of the Government, to prepare suitableaccommodations for such Africans as the Governmentmight afterwards send. The expedition wentat first to Sierra Leone, thence to Sherbro Island,landing at Campelar, the point chosen by Mills andBurgess for settlement. The place was badly selected.Practically the whole company suffered frightfullyfrom fever. Bacon, Bankson, and Crozer, all died,together with many of the colonists.

A second party was sent out in 1821 in theNautilus, a vessel chartered by the United StatesGovernment. It carried two agents of the government—J.B. Winn and Ephraim Bacon—and twoagents of the colony—Joseph R. Andrus and ChristianWiltberger. Some emigrants accompanied them.On their arrival at Sierra Leone, the emigrants wereleft at Fourah Bay, while Bacon and Andrus went ondown the coast in search of a suitable situation forsettlement.

In this search they went as far as Grand Bassa.Soon after they returned to Sierra Leone, Mr. andMrs. Bacon were invalided home; shortly afterwardsMr. and Mrs. Winn died of fever; thus Wiltbergerwas left alone in charge of the settlement, until Dr.Eli Ayres arrived as chief agent of the Society inthe autumn. Wiltberger visited Sherbro, and findingthe conditions of the settlers serious, he took them withhim back to Fourah Bay, Sierra Leone. In December,Capt. Robert F. Stockton, of the Alligator, came tothe coast with orders to co-operate so far as possiblewith the agents. Leaving Wiltberger in charge of thecolonists at Fourah Bay, Ayres and Stockton made anexploration of the coast. On the 11th they reachedMesurado Bay, and being pleased with the appearanceof the district, they sought a palaver with the nativechiefs. Making their way through the jungle to thevillage of the most important chief, they found hundredsof people collected; negotiations were at oncebegun for land at the mouth of the Mesurado River,upon which a settlement might be made. The business[58]was not conducted without excitement and somedanger, but Stockton appears to have been a man ofparts, and finally a contract was drawn up and signedby six kings, with their marks, and by Ayres andStockton. The territory secured included all of thecape, the mouth of the river, and the land for somedistance into the interior, although the boundarieswere left indefinite.

There was a mulatto trader living in this district,by the name of John S. Mill. His friendship was ofimportance to the enterprise in those early days.Mill was an African by birth, the son of an Englishmerchant who owned a large trading concern on thecoast; he had enjoyed a good English education;he was himself the owner of the smaller of the twoislands at the mouth of the Mesurado River, and thisisland was purchased from him for the use of thecolony.

Land having been secured, measures were at oncetaken to remove the colonists from Fourah Bay toCape Montserrado. Some of them refused to leave,and remained in Sierra Leone, becoming Britishsubjects. It was January 7, 1822, when the colonistsunder the leadership of Agent Ayres reached theirnew home. It was soon learned that King Peter hadbeen condemned by the people for the sale of theland, and that the natives desired that the colonistsshould leave; the vessel, however, was unloaded andpreparations for building houses were made. Onaccount of the threatening attitude of the natives, apalaver was held. There was considerable opposition,but the colonists persisted in their efforts. Themonth of February was a sickly time, and little wasdone toward settlement. About the middle of Februarymore settlers came from Fourah Bay, and theplace was crowded and in bad condition. Agent Ayreswas absent in Sierra Leone, when an incident occurredwhich might have had serious results for the infantcolony. The colonists at this time were living onPerseverance Island. A small vessel, prize to an[59]English schooner, with thirty slaves on board, put infor water at the island. Her cable parting, she driftedashore and was wrecked. It was the custom of thecoast to look upon wrecks as legitimate booty for thepeople upon whose shore they occurred. King Georgeat once sent his people to take possession of the vesseland the goods, but they were met with resistance bythe crew and were repulsed. While the natives werepreparing to renew the attack, the Captain sent forhelp to the colony agent. Though no white man wasthere in charge, help was promised. A boat wasmanned and sent to his relief; a brass field piece onthe island was brought to bear upon the assailantswho were put to rout, with two killed and severalwounded. The crew and slaves were brought safelyto the land, but the vessel went to pieces and mostof the stores and property were lost. The natives werevery angry. The next day they resumed the attack,and the British soldiers and one colonist were killed.

On returning from Sierra Leone, April 7, Ayresfound the colony in confusion and alarm. The nativeshad received only a part of the purchased goods fortheir land. They now refused to receive the balanceand insisted on returning what they had received andannulling the transaction. To this the agent wouldnot give consent. They invited him, therefore, to aconference, seized him, and held him until he consentedto take back the articles already paid. Theyinsisted that the colonists should leave, but agreedto permit their staying until a purchase could bemade elsewhere. Under these circ*mstances, AgentAyres appealed to a chief named Boatswain who,after hearing the complaint, decided in favor of thecolonists and ordered that the goods should be acceptedand the title given. In his decision he said that thebargain had been fair on both sides and that he sawno grounds for rescinding the contract. Turning toKing Peter, he remarked: “Having sold your countryand accepted payment, you must take the consequences.***Let the Americans have their[60]lands immediately. Whoever is not satisfied with mydecision, let him tell me so.” To the agents he said:“I promise you protection. If these people give youfurther disturbance, send for me; and I swear, if theyoblige me to come again to quiet them, I will do it bytaking their heads from their shoulders, as I did oldKing George’s, on my last visit to the coast to settledisputes.”

By the 28th of April the whole colony of immigrantshad come from Sierra Leone. Dissatisfied with PerseveranceIsland, they had moved over on to the higherland of Cape Montserrado and taken formal possessionof it. This led to great excitement. There wasa palaver at which many kings and half kings werepresent. Difficulties, however, were still pressing.The rainy season had begun; the houses were not fitfor occupancy; fever was prevalent and both agentswere suffering; provisions and stores were scanty—almostexhausted; it was realized that hostility on thepart of the natives was but slumbering. Dr. Ayres,discouraged, determined to abandon the enterpriseand to remove the people and the remaining stores toSierra Leone. Wiltberger opposed this project, andthe colonists also rejected it. A small number indeedaccompanied Dr. Ayres to Sierra Leone. The remainderresolved to suffer every hardship, remained,and by July had their houses in fair condition. Soon,however, Wiltberger felt compelled to return to theUnited States. There was no white man to leave incharge of matters, and a colonist, Elijah Johnson, wasappointed temporary superintendent.

It is at this point that Jehudi Ashmun came toLiberia. He was a remarkable man, and to him thecolonial enterprise owes much. He was born April 21,1794; he studied at Middlebury College and VermontUniversity; in 1816 he was principal of the MaineCharity School; in 1818 he married Miss C. D. Gray,at New York City; resigning his principalship onApril 7, 1819, he removed to Washington where, forthree years, he edited the Theological Repository; he[61]here thought seriously of entering the ministry; hewrote the Life of Samuel Bacon, who had died forthe sake of the colonial enterprise; in 1822, June 20th,he embarked upon the brig Strong, at Baltimore, havingbeen employed to accompany a cargo of returnedGeorgian slaves. Mrs. Ashmun accompanied him;they were 81 days upon the voyage; on August 9ththey arrived at Cape Montserrado. When Ashmunarrived, a small spot had been cleared, about thirtyhouses had been constructed in native style, togetherwith a storehouse too small to receive the supplieswhich had been brought; the rainy season was atit* height; the settlers already on the ground werebarely supplied with shelter; for the new-comers noprovision had been made; though the whole countrywas hostile, there were no adequate means of defense;the total population of the settlement, including thenew-comers, did not exceed 130 persons, of whomthirty-five only were capable of bearing arms.

It was a desperate situation; the erection of astorehouse and of a building to shelter the recapturedAfricans was at once begun. The people and the goodswere transferred as rapidly as possible from the vesselto the shore. On September 15th, less than six weeksafter their arrival, Mrs. Ashmun died of fever, andon December 16th Ashmun himself was taken downand for two months his life was in doubt; it was notuntil the middle of February, 1823, that he was ableto resume his duties.

Between the time of Mrs. Ashmun’s death andAshmun’s illness, troubles with the natives reachedtheir culmination. Fortunately the danger had beenforeseen and preparations made. Defensive operationsbegan on August 18th. The plan included theclearing of a considerable space around the settlementin order to render concealment of the natives difficult;the stationing of five heavy guns at the angles of atriangle circ*mscribing the whole settlement, eachangle being on a point sufficiently commanding toenfilade two sides of the triangle and sweep the ground[62]beyond the lines; guns to be covered by musket proof;triangular stockades any two of which should be sufficientto contain all of the settlers in their wings;the brass piece and two swivels mounted on travelingcarriages were in the center to support the post sufferingheaviest attacks;—all to be joined by a palingcarried quite around the settlement. Upon inspectingthe matter of the force, it was found that there wereonly twenty-seven native Americans able to beararms, when well. On November 7th it was found thatan assault had been ordered within four days. Picketguards were set; no man was allowed to sleep beforesunrise; patrols of natives were dispersed through thewood in every direction. Trees were felled in orderto render approach more difficult. On Sunday, the10th, it was reported that the enemy were approaching,crossing the Mesurado River a few miles abovethe settlement. Early in the night from 600 to 900of them had assembled on the peninsula half a milewest, where they encamped. The attack itself wasmade at early dawn; it was vigorous, and at first theenemy had the distinct advantage; had they pressedit instead of delaying for looting, they would perhapshave won the day; as it was, the settlers recoveredthemselves and gained the victory. The number ofthe hostile dead could only be estimated; it couldhardly have been less than 200 persons; the colonistshad some dead and several wounded. The entireforce of the settlers at the moment of the combat wasthirty-five individuals of whom six were native youthsnot sixteen years of age; of this number onlyabout one-half were actually engaged in fighting.Lott Carey and Elijah Johnson were notable forbravery in this defense. Attempts were made to bringabout a treaty of peace with the enemy; these effortswere ineffective, and it was well known that a newattack might be expected. Nothing could be securedin the way of supplies from the surrounding country;all were put upon an allowance of provisions; theammunition on hand was insufficient for an hou[63]r’sdefense; it was impossible to know anything aboutthe movement of the enemy, as there were no nativesleft in the settlement. Seven children had fallen intothe hands of the native foe. November 23rd wasobserved as a day of humiliation, thanksgiving, andprayer. Two days later a passing steamer was ableto give some relief in stores. On the 29th Capt. Brassey,aided with stores and by his influence, which wasconsiderable, tried to bring about a peace with thehostile chiefs. It was in vain; the enemy had planneddestruction that very night, but delayed the attackon account of his presence with his vessel. Guardwas kept the night of the 29th, the 30th, December1st; the attack was made at 4:30 in the morning of the2d from two sides. How many were in the attackingforce is not known, but there were more than in thefirst great battle; the battle lasted for more than anhour and a half and was most obstinately conducted;the loss of the enemy, though considerable, was lessthan in the preceding battle; one of the gunners ofthe colonists was killed. Conditions were so desperatethat a renewal of the battle the following day mighthave proved fatal to the settlers. A seeming accidentbrought deliverance. An officer on watch, in themiddle of the night, is said to have been alarmed bysome slight noise; on hearing it, he discharged severalmuskets and a large gun. At that moment theschooner Prince Regent was passing; the well knownMajor Laing was aboard, and a prize crew of elevenseamen commanded by Midshipman Gordon; theywere on their way to Cape Coast Castle, but, hearingmidnight cannon, anchored in order to investigatewith morning’s light; when they found the conditionof things, Capt. Laing intervened in behalf of thecolonists and brought about a truce; the chiefs agreedto refer matters of dispute, which might thereafterarise, to Sierra Leone for settlement. MidshipmanGordon and his eleven men were left behind to assistthe colonists in case of need, and a plentiful supply ofammunition was given them. Gordon was a great[64]favorite with the settlers; he was, however, togetherwith his companions, quickly taken down with fever,and within four weeks he and seven out of his elevenmen were dead.

We have already stated that seven children of thecolonists had been captured by the enemy. Ashmuntells us: “Two of the captured children have beengiven up in consideration of a small gratuity. Fiveare still in the hands of the natives; for their relief avery extravagant ransom was demanded which it wassteadily resolved not to pay ... redeeming trait... in their treatment of these helpless and tendercaptives. It was the first object of the captors to placethem under the maternal care of several aged women,who, in Africa, as in most countries, are proverbiallytender and indulgent. These protectresses had themclad in their usual habits and at an early period of thetruce, sent to the colony to inquire the proper kindsof food, and modes of preparing it, to which theyoungest had been accustomed. The affections of theirlittle charges were so perfectly won in the four monthsof their captivity as to oblige their own parents, atthe end of that time, literally to tear away from theirkeepers several of the youngest amidst the most affectionatedemonstrations of mutual attachment. Thisevent did not occur until the 12th of March, whentheir gratuitous redemption was voted almost unanimouslyin a large council of native chiefs.”

We have referred to Elijah Johnson. He was anextraordinary man. His parentage is quite unknown;June 11, 1789, he was taken to New Jersey; he hadhad some instruction, gained perhaps in New York;by religion he was a Methodist and had studied forthe ministry; he had had some experience in militarylife in New Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts; hehad fought in the war of 1812 against the British;he came to Africa with the first colony of emigrantsin 1820; in 1822 he was one of the founders of thesettlement at Cape Montserrado; when Ayres proposedthe abandonment of the enterprise, he vigorously[65]opposed him, and his influence had much to dowith holding his fellow colonists; to the British captainwho, on the occasion of a difficulty, offered to quellthe trouble with the natives if he be given ground forthe erection of a flag, Johnson is said to have replied,“We want no flagstaff put up here, that will cost usmore to get it down than it will to whip the natives.”When Wiltberger left the colony entirely to itself,it was Johnson who was put in charge; his son, bornin Africa, became President of the Republic; ElijahJohnson died March 23, 1849.

March 31, 1823, the United States ship, Cyane,Capt. Spencer, reached Cape Montserrado. Findingthe colonists in bad condition, the Captain suppliedtheir wants; he repaired the agent’s house, commencedand nearly completed the Martello tower—fordefense; after three weeks’ assistance so much feverhad sprung up among his crew that he was obligedto depart, sailing for the United States. He, however,left behind as helper, Richard Seaton, his chief clerk.Seaton assisted Ashmun and the colonists so far as hecould but was himself stricken by fever and died inJune. On May 24th the Oswego arrived with sixty-onenew colonists; the agent, Dr. Ayres, who seemsto have thought better of matters, returned by thisvessel. About this time, however, the whole communitywas rife with intrigue and rebellion; the settlerswere dissatisfied with their situation; they wereparticularly dissatisfied with the distribution of landabout which misunderstanding had arisen. The stepsAyres took for bringing about peace were not successful,and in December he left again for the UnitedStates.

It was on February 20, 1824, that the official namesof Liberia for the colony and Monrovia for the settlementon Cape Montserrado were adopted on recommendationof General Harper. Previous to this timethe settlement had been known by the name Christopolis.Things at Christopolis had been going badly.Even Ashmun could no longer get on with the settlers;[66]perhaps it would be as true to say that eventhe settlers could not get on with Ashmun. Howeverthat may be, on March 22nd he issued a farewelladdress in which he expressed his feelings in regardto the disaffected, and on April 1st he embarked forthe Cape Verde Islands. There is no reason to believe,so far as I know, that he had any intention ofreturning again to his field of labor. He had had amost unsatisfactory and disagreeable correspondencewith the Society, and his tenure of office with themwas vague and unsatisfactory; they had refused torecognize some of his official acts and conditions couldhardly have been more disagreeable than they wereat the moment.

Rev. R. R. Gurley had been ordered by the Societyto visit Africa and investigate conditions at thecolony. On July 24th the Porpoise, which was carryinghim to Monrovia, put in at Porto Praya whereAshmun was stopping; he went on board to meetGurley, and there they had their first conversationover the state of affairs; Ashmun consented to returnto Monrovia and assist Gurley in getting a generalknowledge of conditions. Together they reached Monroviaon August 13th; Gurley stayed until August22nd; the two men went over the details of thesituation, held consultations with the settlers, anddrew up a plan of government more definite thanhad before existed, and which the discontented settlersagreed to accept.

After Gurley had departed conditions at the colonygreatly improved; the new laws and the participationof the colonists in their own government had anexcellent effect; every one appeared loyal and allunited to advance the common interests. New landswere acquired in the neighborhood of Grand Bassa,New Cess, Cape Mount, and Junk River. In 1826difficulties arose with the slave traders at Trade Town,about 100 miles south from Monrovia. Ashmun hadremonstrated against their operations. In reply theFrench and Spanish traders proceeded to strengthen[67]themselves; the traders were organized and some 350natives were under their command. Ashmun decidedto take vigorous action against them. On April 9ththe Columbian war vessel, Jacinto, arrived at Monroviawith orders to co-operate with Dr. Peaco, theUnited States Government agent, and Mr. Ashmun;on April 10th Ashmun and thirty-two militia volunteersembarked upon the Jacinto, and the IndianChief (Capt. Cochrane), and sailed for Trade Townwhere they arrived on the 11th, finding the Columbianvessel Vencedor, there, ready to assist them. Thethree vessels united in the attack, attempting to makea landing on the morning of the 12th; the surf wasbreaking heavily over the bar and the passage wasonly eight yards wide with rocks on both sides. Thebarges, full of armed men, were in great danger;the Spanish force was drawn up on the beach withinhalf a gunshot of the barges; the two barges withCaptains Chase and Cottrell were exposed to theenemy’s fire and filled with surf before reaching theshore; their crews, however, landed and forced theSpaniards back to the town. The flagboat with Ashmunand Capt. Cochrane and twenty-four men wasupset and dashed upon the rocks; Ashmun was injured;some arms and ammunition were lost. Capt.Barbour, observing the difficulties encountered by theother boats, ran his boat on to the beach a little to theleft of the river’s mouth, and landed safely. The townwas captured; the natives and Spaniards took to theforest, and from behind the town poured in shotat frequent intervals; the contest continued throughtwo days; more than 80 slaves were surrendered, butno actual adjustment of the difficulties was arrivedat. At noon of the 13th, preparations were made toleave; the slaves were first embarked, and in themiddle of the afternoon, the town having been fired,the officers took to the boats; before the vessel sailedthe fire reached the ammunition of the enemy, and 250casks of gunpowder were exploded; Trade Town waswiped out, and the victorious party returned to Monrovia.[68]It was indeed only a temporary solution of thedifficulty; by the end of July slaving vessels wereagain at Trade Town, a battery had been constructed,and preparations made to resist any force that mightin future be sent against it.

On August 27, 1827, the Norfolk arrived with 142recaptured slaves; this was the largest shipment of thekind so far sent. The policy was adopted of settlingsuch Africans in settlements by themselves at a littledistance from Monrovia, on lands well suited to agriculture;it is remarkable how readily these poor creaturestook advantage of the opportunities offeredthem; they were industrious, established neat settlements,cultivated fields, and were anxious to learn theways of the “white man”; as, however, they representeddifferent tribes, occasional difficulties aroseamong them through tribal jealousies, and adjustmentwas necessary at the hands of the civilizedcolonists.

Ashmun’s health had long been bad; the injurieshe suffered in the attack at Trade Town had beensomewhat serious; he had, moreover, been subjectedto a constant strain of anxiety, together with responsibility;he had been doing the work of several men;his condition finally became critical, and he decidedthat he must leave the colony. Whatever feelingmight have existed at one time against him, he wasnow a much loved man; in losing him, the colonistsfelt as if they lost a father; he embarked on March25th for the United States; he reached his native landin a condition of extreme exhaustion and weakness;on August 25th he died at New Haven, Conn. Therewas no white man in the colony at the time whenAshmun left to whom he could turn over the leadershipof the settlement; he accordingly placed affairsin the hands of Lott Carey.

Lott Carey was a remarkable black man; he wasborn a slave near Richmond, Va., about 1780; in hisearly manhood he was rather wild; in 1804 he wentto Richmond where he worked for a tobacco company;[69]becoming converted in 1807, he joined theBaptist Church; he learned to read and write, andpreached among his people; he was well consideredby his employers and earned $800 a year as a regularsalary, besides frequently making additional sumsby legitimate outside labor; by carefully saving hismoney, he raised $850, ransoming himself and twochildren; his wife had died in 1813; becoming interestedin African missions, he took to preaching, organizeda missionary society, and through it raised contributionsfor the cause; he had married again, andlearning of the Liberian scheme, early becoming interested,and decided to go to Africa; on January23, 1821, he left Richmond for the colony; he was amost useful man—active in church work, interestedin school affairs, instructing the recaptured Africans,aiding in the care of the sick and suffering; he hadbeen of the disaffected, but after difficulties had beenadjusted, was a firm friend and supporter of Ashmun.When left in charge of the colony, he actively pushedon in every line of progress, dealing fairly with thenatives, arranging for defense, encouraging development,etc. In June, when three suspicious Spanishvessels stood off the harbor, he lost no time in dealingwith them, ordering them away at once. Trouble,however, was arising with the natives. A factory belongingto the colony at Digby had been robbed;satisfaction had been demanded and refused; a slavetrader was allowed to land goods in the very housewhere the colony goods had been; a letter of remonstranceto the trader was intercepted and destroyedby the natives. Lott Carey called out the militiaand began to make arrangements for a show of force;on the evening of November 8th, while he and severalothers were making cartridges in the old agency-house,a candle caught some loose powder and causedan explosion which resulted in the death of eightpersons; six of these survived until the 9th, LottCarey and one other until the 10th. With his deaththe settlement was left without a head. Shortly before[70]that sad event, however,—on October 28, 1828,a new constitution and laws, suggested by Ashmunshortly before his death, had been adopted by theColonization Society and been put into operation.It was in every way an advance upon the previousefforts to organize the administration of the colony,and it may be said to mark a period in the colonialhistory.

[71]

“Instead of repenting that I am here, although I was welltreated in Georgia, I would not return to live in the UnitedStates for five thousand dollars. There is scarcely a thinkingperson here but would feel insulted, if you should talk to himabout returning. The people are now turning their attention tothe cultivation of the soil, and are beginning to live withintheir own means.”—S. Benedict.

1828-1838.

Richard Randall, the newly appointed agent,arrived at Monrovia on December 22, 1828. He foundthe Digby incident still unsettled. King Brister (orBristol) had been threatening. Randall thought itbest, however, not to pursue active warfare andattempted to adjust matters without fighting. He wasa man of excellent ideas, devoted to his duties, activeand energetic. He was imprudent, however, in caringfor himself, and died on April 19th, having been in thecolony only about four months. He was succeededby Dr. Mechlin who had come out with him as physicianin December. Mechlin remained as agent forsome years, although, on account of bad health, he wasobliged to return once during that period to theUnited States. It was during his agency that thefirst printing press was erected in Monrovia, in 1830,and the first newspaper, The Liberian Herald, wasprinted with J. B. Russwurm as editor. It was in1830 that Mechlin took his furlough to the UnitedStates; he was at first relieved by Dr. J. W. Andersonwho died on April 12th, having been in Liberialess than two months; upon his death, the vice-agent,Anthony D. Williams, took charge until the returnof Dr. Mechlin. Mechlin negotiated several treatieswith native chiefs and increased the land holdingof the colony through purchase; he visited GrandBassa and negotiated for land around Cape Mount; it[72]was during his administration that the Dey-GolahWar took place. He seems to have been a well-meaningman, and certainly accomplished something, butthere was considerable dissatisfaction with his administration,and when he left, it was questioned whetherhe was a good financier and used judgment and economyin administering money matters.

One of the most exciting incidents in the history ofLiberia was the Dey-Golah War of 1832. Hostilitieshad been threatened against the colony by King Bromley,but he died before serious difficulty occurred.It was soon found that the Deys and others were combining;deeds of violence were practiced against thecolonists and recaptured Africans; captives had beentaken by King Willy; a messenger was sent to demandtheir release, but the letter was torn up and themessenger told to inform the agent that they wouldseize and hold every colonist they could find. Thenext day the enemy, standing on the river bankopposite Caldwell, blew war horns, fired muskets, andchallenged the colonists; a body of recaptured Africans,100 in number, was sent against them; findinga large force gathered, they were driven back, and oneman was killed. The enemy barricaded their owntown, and sent word that, if the colonists did notpromptly meet them in the field, they would attackCaldwell and Millsburg; the Golah were acting withthe Dey in this affair. Mechlin left Monrovia on June20th, with the regular militia and volunteers, eightyin all; they had a large field piece with them; atCaldwell they were joined by seventy volunteers andmilitia, and 120 recaptured Africans; all were placedunder Capt. Elijah Johnson. One day’s march fromCaldwell brought the force to Bromley’s town whichthey took without trouble, camping there for thenight; the next day they advanced over an exceedinglydifficult road—seven hours being required forten miles’ progress; after mid-day the recapturedAfricans, who were in advance, were engaged with theenemy; the field piece was brought up until only[73]twenty-five or thirty yards from the barricaded town.A few firings forced the enemy to abandon theirposition; under cover of the field piece, the colonistsnow rushed forward and cut through the barricade;the field piece was advanced and the town captured,the enemy escaping in the rear. In this engagementLieutenant Thompson, of the colony force, was killedand three men wounded; of the enemy fifteen werekilled and many wounded. The captured town wasburned and also Bromley; the force returned to Caldwellfor the night and then to Monrovia. LieutenantThompson was interred with the honors of war.Messengers promptly arrived from Kings Willyand Brister; Mechlin demanded that the kings themselvesappear in person at Monrovia; Brister, Sitma,Long Peter, and Kai appeared; Willy sent NewPeter as his representative; they agreed to the termsoffered and a treaty of peace was signed.

It was also during Mechlin’s agency that the colonizationof Maryland in Africa began. In 1831 Dr.James Hall with 31 colonists from the MarylandColonization Society stopped at Monrovia; they hadbeen sent out to locate a settlement where the colonistsshould devote themselves exclusively to agriculture(refusing trade) and should be devoted to temperanceprinciples; they were not received with cordialityby the people at Monrovia, and no particularinclination was shown to aid them in securing a sitefor their purposes; Dr. Hall, therefore, left themtemporarily at Monrovia, while he returned to theUnited States for advice and further supplies; hereturned in 1833 with 28 new colonists; taking thosewho were at Monrovia, all sailed farther down thecoast until, at Cape Palmas, they found a location totheir satisfaction; they landed there, engaged innegotiations with the native chiefs, and founded whatwas at first known as Maryland in Africa; it wasentirely distinct from the settlements under thedirection of the American Colonization Society.

About this time there was a tendency for local[74]branch organizations of the American ColonizationSociety to be formed and to undertake their own settlements,although these were not considered to beactually independent of the mother society and of thepeople at Monrovia. Considerable settlements hadbeen made in the neighborhood of Grand Bassa.Among these, one of the most promising was Edinawhich was laid out upon a tongue of land upon thenorth side of the St. John’s River; it was named Edinafrom Edinburgh, Scotland, citizens of which had contributedquite liberally to the funds of the AmericanColonization Society. After Edina was founded, aneighboring settlement was made through the effortsof the Pennsylvania Young Men’s ColonizationSociety—an organization of Friends; it was organizedwith the idea that agriculture should be the chief interest;that trade as a means of income should beforbidden; that temperance and sobriety, involvinga pledge of abstinence, should be demanded; andthat war and resistance should be forbidden. Non-resistanceand peace-principles, however, were not inplace at that time and region; in 1835 this littlecolony was wiped out of existence by a brutal attackon the part of natives instigated by a slave traderwho feared that the presence of the colonists wouldinterrupt his trade. Joe Harris and King Peter,brothers, were the active agents of destruction; forseveral days their people spied upon the settlers, informingthemselves whether any arms were in theplace; there was one gun only there; the assault tookplace at night, and about 20 persons, mostly womenand children, were killed; the agent Hankinson andhis wife were rescued by a Kruman who concealedthem; those who escaped were taken to Monrovia andcared for; the authorities at Monrovia took immediateaction, marched an armed force against the aggressors,put them to flight, and destroyed their towns;King Peter and Joe Harris agreed to forever abandonthe slave trade, to give free passage from the interiorthrough their country, to rebuild the settlement, and[75]return the property; a better spot was selected anda new settlement made.

When Mechlin returned to the United States, Rev.John B. Pinney, who was already in Liberia as amissionary, succeeded him. He found everything in astate of confusion and dilapidation; himself a man ofvigor, he acted promptly and made notable improvements;he attempted to give agriculture its properposition as the fundamental interest of the community;he purchased fertile lands in the interior for cultivation;he emphasized the claims of Liberia to landslying behind Cape Mount; he adjusted difficulties betweenthe Congoes and Eboes, recaptured Africans;had he remained long in office, he might perhaps haveaccomplished much. He, however, left Liberia at theend of 1834 for home. Dr. Ezekiel Skinner took hisposition; at the time of Pinney’s retirement he wasthe colonial physician. His labors were arduous andmultiform; in performing them he suffered repeatedexposures which brought on a serious fever underwhich he was reduced so low that he was obliged toreturn to the United States, leaving Anthony D. Williamsas agent in his place.

Williams, in fact, seems to have been agent at intervalsfrom the time of Randall’s death until hegave way to Thomas Buchanan in 1839. Inasmuchas most authorities speak of him as if he were a whiteman, it may be well to raise the question. Late inNovember, 1836, Rev. Charles Rockwell, chaplain ofthe United States Navy, was in Liberia. In hisSketches of Foreign Travel he says: “Mr. Williams,who has for years been the acting-governor of Monrovia,took the lead in entertaining us and in doingthe honors of the place. He was from Petersburg,Va., where, if I mistake not, he was once a slave. Hehas a peculiarly modest, sedate, gentlemanly deportment,and during his repeated visits to the UnitedStates has, by his intelligent and good sense, justlysecured the esteem and confidence of those with whomhe had intercourse. He came to Africa as a clergyman[76]of the Methodist Church, and for a year or morewas engaged in the self-denying work of a missionaryamong the natives at a distance of 150 miles in theinterior. Under the title of vice-agent, he has foryears been head (actively) of the colony, and as faras I could learn, has so discharged the duties of hisoffice as to secure the confidence alike of his fellowcitizens and of the society from which he received hisappointment.” When, in 1839, he gave up the agencyto Thomas Buchanan as Governor of the newly establishedCommonwealth of Liberia, the Board of theColonization Society expressed itself as well satisfiedwith his long services; but it was their opinion “thatthe time had not yet arrived when the interests of thecolony would permit it to remain permanently underthe direction of a colonist.” It would seem as ifthese two quotations amply establish the fact thatWilliams was a colored man; we have thought itworth while to raise the question, inasmuch as hisservices were serious, and if rendered by a black man,deserve special recognition.

With the year 1836 there arrived in Africa a manof great ability and extraordinary energy, ThomasH. Buchanan; he was sent out as the agent of theNew York and Pennsylvania Societies to take chargeof their settlements at Bassa Cove; these settlementsrecognized the superior authority of Monrovia andthe American Colonization Society; but it was deemedbetter that they should have a special superintendentin charge of them. It is well enough to notice that,at this time, there were three totally different associationsat work within the area of what now is Liberia,besides Maryland; there was the original settlementof Monrovia on Cape Montserrado with extensions inthe direction of Cape Mount and the Junk River; thisdistrict included Monrovia and several villages aroundit; “the people were not much given to agriculture;they were shrewd at driving trade and better likedto compete for some gallons of palm oil or sticks ofcamwood than to be doing their duty to their fields[77]and gardens;” politics and military concerns occupiedconsiderable of their attention, and they were calledupon to adjust claims with the neighboring settlements.Secondly, there were the Bassa Cove villages;there were several of these in the neighborhood of theSt. John’s River; they depended mainly upon agricultureand trade; they encouraged temperance anddesired peace. Third, there were interesting settlementsin Sinoe along the Sinoe River upon its richagricultural lands; Greenville was a flourishing town;the settlers in this vicinity came from Mississippi,and their region was known as Mississippi in Africa.

Just as the New York and Pennsylvania Societiesengaged a special governor to take charge of theirsettlements, so the Mississippi Society sent out a specialgovernor to take charge of Mississippi in Africa.The appointment was of special interest in the personof I. F. C. Finley. Governor Finley was a son ofthe Rev. Robert Finley, to whom the organizationof the American Colonization Society was in realitydue. In September, 1838, Governor Finley left forMonrovia on business as well as for his health; makinga landing in the neighborhood of the Bassa Covesettlements, he was robbed and murdered by thenatives on September 10th; it is believed thatthe motive to this murder was the desire for gain,as the Governor had considerable money upon hisperson. The murder led to disturbance between thesettlers at Bassa Cove and the natives who were implicated;one or two of the latter were killed, severalwounded, and some houses were destroyed.

One rather interesting incident in connection withthe Bassa settlements was the experience of LouisSheriden. He was a colored man of some means fromNorth Carolina, who came to Liberia in February,1838; he at first planned to settle at Bassa Cove, buton visiting the settlements and examining the lawsof their government, he was dissatisfied and refusedto take the oath required of those who became citizens,saying that he had “left the United States on[78]account of oppression and that he would not subjecthimself to arbitrary government in Africa”; hefinally decided to locate at Bexley, six miles fromBassa Cove; he took a lease of 600 acres and soonhad more than a hundred men in his employ; hisintention was to develop an extensive sugar and coffeeplantation, but he died before his plan could berealized.

An interesting man in this period, although butindirectly connected with the colony, was TheodoreCanot; he was born in Florence in 1803 and had a lifeof excitement and adventure; in 1826 he became aslave trader; he finally located with Pedro Blanco atGallinhas, and was sent by him to New Cess; he wasa witness of the Finley murder; after Blanco retiredfrom the slave trade, Canot, being hard pressed bythe British officers, decided to abandon the businessalso. He finally retired to New York, where he metwith Brantz Mayer, who wrote a book which purportedto be autobiographical material supplied bythe old adventurer. Canot not infrequently cameinto contact with the Liberian authorities. He musthave known the whole colonial experiment better thanalmost any other white man. Of Liberia he says:“Nevertheless, the prosperity, endurance, and influenceof the colonies are still problems. I am anxiousto see the second generation of colonists in Africa. Iwish to know what will be the force and developmentof the negro mind on its native soil—civilized, but cutoff from all instruction, influence, or association withthe white mind. I desire to understand, precisely,whether the negro’s faculties are original or imitative,and consequently, whether he can stand alone in absoluteindependence, or is only respectable whenreflecting the civilization that is cast upon him byothers.”

As was to be expected, considerable feeling arosebetween the four separate colonies—Liberia, BassaCove, Mississippi in Africa, and Maryland. Thus, inMay, 1838, Anthony D. Williams wrote: “I regret to[79]say, our neighbors of Bassa Cove and Edina seem toentertain the most hostile feelings toward the colonyand everything connected with it. They have manifestedsuch a disposition as will, if continued, leadto serious difficulties between the settlements. Thepolicy which the colonizationists are now pursuing isassuredly a bad one and will inevitably defeat theobject they aim to accomplish. Nothing can be conceivedmore destructive to the general good than separateand conflicting interests among the differentcolonies, and this consequence will certainly followthe establishment of separate and distinct sovereigntiescontiguous to each other.” This was felt to be aserious problem; after due consideration, an effortwas made to more strongly unite the colonies outsideof Maryland; a new constitution was accordinglydrawn up by Professor Greenleaf, of Harvard College,the name “Commonwealth of Liberia” wasadopted, and Thomas Buchanan, who had been governorof the Grand Bassa settlements, was appointedgovernor of the newly organized commonwealth. Wehave already referred to him as a man of vigor andenthusiasm; it is seldom indeed that Liberia has hadan equally capable director.

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“It is not every man that we can honestly advise, or desireto come to this country. To those who are contented to live andeducate their children as house servants and lackeys, we wouldsay stay where you are; here we have no masters to employyou. To the indolent, heedless and slothful, we would say, tarryamong the flesh-pots of Egypt; here we get our bread by thesweat of our brow. To drunkards and rioters, we would say,come not to us; you never can become naturalized in a landwhere there are no grog-shops and where temperance and orderis the motto. To the timorous and suspicious, we would say,stay where you have protectors; here we protect ourselves. Butthe industrious, enterprising, and patriotic, of whatever occupation,or enterprise—the mechanic, the merchant, the farmer,and especially the latter, we would counsel, advise, and entreat,to come over and be one with us, and assist us in this gloriousenterprise, and enjoy with us that to which we ever were, andto which the man of color ever must be a stranger, in America.”

1838-1847.

Governor Buchanan had scarcely come to powerwhen he was forced to take vigorous action againstthe slave traders at Trade Town; he assumed theright of jurisdiction over the entire territory alongthe Little Bassa seaboard; he ordered a trader, whohad been there established for some months, to leavewithin a given time or suffer the confiscation of hisentire property; the man had received two similarorders from Anthony D. Williams, but had treatedthem with contempt; to Buchanan’s order he returneda courteous reply; he promised obedience, butasked delay until a vessel should come to take hisgoods; this was granted on condition of his desistingentirely from slave trading in the meantime. Aboutthis time an English trader established a regular tradefactory at the same place; he put some goods ashorein charge of a native agent; Buchanan ordered himoff under threat of seizing his goods; he treated themessenger rudely and refused obedience. Meantime[81]the slave trader had been negotiating with nativekings for their protection; he added to his stores,extended his barracoon, and paid no attention toremonstrance. On the 18th of April, without previousannouncement, Buchanan ordered a militaryparade at 7 P. M.; he stated the facts, declared hisintention of proceeding in force against Trade Town,and called for forty volunteers who were soonsecured; the next day he sent to New Georgia fortwenty-five volunteers—they sent him thirty-five. Hethen chartered two small schooners, and sent them,together with the government schooner Providence,with ammunition, by sea to join the land forces forco-operation; on Monday, the 22nd, at 9 A. M., theland force took up the march under Elijah Johnson;in despatching his soldiers, the Governor told themthat they were not out for war and plunder, but tosustain a civil officer in the discharge of his duty; heurged them to conduct themselves in an orderly mannerwith obedience and discipline. When the forceactually started, about 100 men were in line. Thefleet found bad winds and currents; after thirty-sixhours’ struggle in trying to make Trade Town, it reappearedat Monrovia. The case looked desperate, asthe men sent overland had little ammunition or food.At this moment Sir Francis Russell arrived andplaced the fast Euphrates at the disposition of thegovernment; arms and ammunition were at onceloaded, Buchanan went in person, and the next morningthey were at anchor in front of Little Bassa. Thebattle was already on; the barracoon, a circular palisadeten feet high, enclosed some half-dozen nativehouses, from which firing was going on; the openingin the forest was about 150 yards from the shore; itwas difficult to know what to do, as it was impossibleto recognize which was the friendly party; the Euphrates,well known as a slaving vessel, would be mistaken;the landing-party would be fired upon by itsfriends; an American seaman volunteered to performthe dangerous feat of carrying a letter to the[82]shore; Elijah Johnson, seeing a white man landingfrom the canoe, made a sally with his forces to destroyhim; his real character was only recognized when thenatives were on the point of knifing him; Johnson’sparty rushed out and saved him. As soon as his messengerwas ashore, Buchanan started with two boatsfor the beach; the terrified Kru, whom they met incanoes before landing, told them that the woods onboth sides of the path were lined with natives andthe woods behind alive with them; when their boatwas about fifty yards from the beach, a party of fiveor six came out to attack the new-comers; Buchananstood and fired into them and they scattered. Inlanding, his canoe was capsized and he was nearlydrowned. Huzzas greeted the relieving party; thedefense was vigorously resumed; the houses outsideof the barracoon, fifteen or twenty in number, hadgiven cover to the natives; Buchanan ordered themto be destroyed, which was promptly done. Johnsonwith a party of thirty or forty was then ordered todrive the enemy from their forest shelter; this hedid, and the axe-men felled trees so as to clear thespace around. The enemy kept firing all day, scatteringwhenever a rush was made; Buchanan himselfled two such charges. The Krumen were now employedin loading the property which had been seizedby the government party, a task which continuedthrough the day under the protection of the soldiers.The next morning firing was renewed from a dozenplaces at once; a pursuing party set out; Johnsonled on; he was twice wounded and also three of hismen, though not seriously. As ammunition wasalmost gone, Buchanan hurried in the Euphrates toMonrovia, where he arrived late at night; the nextmorning forty additional volunteers were taken onboard, together with two field pieces, 14,000 ball cartridges,etc., etc. The vessel met with contrary windsand was delayed. As they neared their destinationa large brig was seen apparently making for theanchorage ground; it was believed to be a brig of[83]the English trader whose factory had been destroyed;the decks of the Euphrates were cleared for actionand a six-pounder made ready. The brig turned,however, and was soon out of sight. On landing,Buchanan found that there had been no fighting sincehe left; messengers were sent out to the native chiefs,Prince and Bah Gay, demanding instant surrender ofthe slaves, who, on the appearance of the force, hadbeen turned over by the slavers to the natives; thecaptured goods were finally all loaded, the woundedwere sent on board, and everything was prepared forthe return; though the chiefs failed to turn in allthe slaves, some were surrendered. As the main objectsof the expedition had been gained, the partyreturned to Monrovia.

From 1838 to 1840 there had been war between theDey and Golah tribes in which the Golah gainedthe advantage. The Dey suffered so much that theirremnant took refuge in the colony. A number ofthem were living on the farms of colonists near Millsburg;suddenly Gatumba, a Golah chief, burst uponthem, wounding four dreadfully and carrying twelveinto slavery; the entire number would have beenkilled or captured had not the colonists, hearing guns,appeared and rescued them. The attackers fled.Notice was sent to Governor Buchanan, and he at oncehastened thither; he prepared for difficulties and keptstrict watch; a letter was sent to Gatumba, demandingan explanation and requesting a palaver at Millsburg;an insulting reply was returned; Gatumbaintimated that he was prepared for battle, did notintend to attack the Americans, but would not permittheir interference. Returning to Monrovia,Buchanan assembled his principal officers, laid thematter before them, and proposed attacking Gatumba’scolony before he should attack Millsburg. Hisofficers thought it best to send another message tothe chief; five messengers were sent, were fired upon,and three of them were taken prisoners. Severaldays passed when, on March 8, 1840, Gatumba burst[84]upon Heddington and would have murdered everybodyin the place had they not in a measure beenprepared. The battle took place at the house of MissionaryBrown; two Americans from Caldwell wereliving with Brown at the time; a desperate attackwas made at daybreak by from 300 to 400 men;against them were three black Americans shelteredby the house; all had guns and considerable ammunition;the attack was frightful, and the numbersgreat; the battle continued for almost an hour, andthe ammunition was nearly gone; Gotorah, a notablecannibal, at the head of his best warriors, made a rushand came within ten feet of the door; Harris, handeda loaded gun by a town native, poured a heavy chargeinto the advancing leader, who fell hideously mangled;his fall caused panic and flight to his followers.The battle over, notice of the event was sent toBuchanan, who was at Little Bassa; hastening toHeddington, he found the place fortified in preparationfor a second attack; the people above the settlementwere in alarm; Gatumba was reported to bepreparing for vengeance. Buchanan determinedupon immediate attack on Gatumba’s town; with 200men, arms, ammunition, and a week’s provisions, theywere to start in boats for Millsburg. Rumors of anapproaching hostile force delayed their departure;but, on the second day, embarcation was made andMillsburg reached; from there the line of march wastaken by 300 men with a piece of artillery; sixty ofthe party were Kru carriers and forty were nativeallies, so that the really effective force consisted ofsome 200 men; the cannon was dragged for six mileswith great labor and was then abandoned; the rainwas falling in torrents when, at two o’clock, theyreached a ruined walled town which had at one timebeen destroyed by Gatumba; as some huts still stoodand the site was high, a camp was made. The nextday the line was formed again and, in spite of theflooded trail and swollen streams, the party continuedto Gatumba’s town. As they neared, an attack upon[85]them was made from ambush and Capt. Snetter fellmortally wounded; the men rushed forward and dislodgedthe enemy; the music struck up, and a livelyadvance was made; for nearly six miles they wereexposed to shooting from the thick forest, but rushedon; the town was found well barricaded; Buchananran up with his aids, Col. Lewis and Gen. Roberts,to the margin of the open field, where he found Johnsonvigorously engaged with the people of the townand with an ambush; the third company now cameup and joined the combat. Such was the vigor oftheir attack that the enemy, taken with panic, rushedfrom the town by a rear gate into the forest; theLiberian forces entered in triumph. By this victorythe strength of Gatumba was completely prostrated.

During Buchanan’s administration a serious difficultyarose with the mission of the Methodist EpiscopalChurch. The superintendent of its interestsat the time was the Rev. John Seyes; he was a manof considerable ability and force of character, butwas highly opinionated; the mission had found thattrade goods was the best means of remitting fromtheir treasury in America to their stations in Africa;it was the ruling of the colony that goods necessaryfor carrying on the work of missions should be admittedfree of duty; a difference arose between GovernorBuchanan and Mr. Seyes in reference to thegoods being introduced by the mission for tradingpurposes with natives—Buchanan holding, veryjustly, that free admission should be granted only forsupplies for the personal use of missionaries. Theundutiable goods introduced by the missionaries enabledthem to undersell the colonial merchants, whohad to pay the regular fees. The Governor was firmin his attitude and demanded that all goods whichwere to be used for trade purposes should pay theirduties; the Colonization Society stood behind theGovernor in his course; the community, however,was rent in twain—great excitement prevailed—and[86]there were practically two parties, the Seyes peopleand the government supporters.

In 1840 it was evident that there was destined tobe serious trouble with English traders settling inthe neighborhood of the Mano River. On account ofthreatening complications, Buchanan sent an agentto England to inquire as to the purposes of such settlersand the attitude of the British Government inthe matter. On September 3, 1841, Buchanan diedat Bassa Cove. His death was a serious loss, butfortunately the man was ready who was competentto take up his work and carry it through to a successfulconclusion.

This man was Joseph Jenkin Roberts, who wasappointed Governor by the Colonization Society andwho held the office for six years; at the end of thattime the Society itself severed its relation to thesettlements. Roberts was a mulatto; he was born inVirginia, in 1809; he went to Liberia in 1829 andat once engaged in trade; he was at the head of theLiberian force in its war against Gatumba. His sixyears of governorship were on the whole successfulones, although it was at this time that difficultiesbegan with France. In 1842 the French Governmentattempted to secure a foothold at Cape Mount, BassaCove, Butu, and Garawé; this occurrence caused considerableanxiety, but the matter seemed to befinished without serious results; long afterwards thisattempt was made the basis of claims which troubledthe Republic. Roberts recognized the importance ofstrengthening Liberian titles to territory; he pursuedan active policy of acquiring new areas andstrengthening the hold of the Commonwealth uponits older possessions. John B. Russwurm was at thistime the Governor of Maryland; Roberts consultedwith him in regard to public policy, and betweenthem they agreed upon the levying of uniform 6 percent ad valorem duties upon all imports. During hisgovernorship Roberts visited the United States; hewas well received and made a good impression; as[87]a result of his visit, an American squadron visitedthe coast of West Africa; difficulties, however, werebrewing; Roberts found the English and other foreignersunwilling to pay customs duties; they tookthe ground that Liberia was not an actual governmentand had no right to levy duties on shippingand foreign trade. On account of its failure to payduties, the Little Ben, an English trading boat, wasseized; in retaliation the John Seyes, belonging to aLiberian named Benson, was seized and sold for£2000. Appeals were made to the United States andto the Society for support; the United States madesome inquiries of the British Government; the Americanrepresentations, however, were put modestly andhalf-heartedly; to them Great Britain replied thatshe “could not recognize the sovereign powers ofLiberia, which she regarded as a mere commercialexperiment of a philanthropic society.” It was clearthat a crisis had been reached; the Society of coursecould do nothing; the American Government wastimid in its support; if Liberia was to act at all, shemust act for herself. Recognizing the situation, in1846 the Society resolved that it was “expedient forthe people to take into their own hands” the managementof their affairs, and severed relations whichhad bound Liberia to it. The Liberians themselvescalled for a constitutional convention, which beganits session the 25th of June, 1847; on July 26th theDeclaration of Independence was made and the Constitutionof the Liberian Republic was adopted. Theflag consisted of eleven stripes, alternately red andwhite; the field, blue, bore a single white star. It issuggested that the meaning of the flag is this: Thethree colors indicate the three counties into whichthe Republic is divided; the eleven stripes representthe eleven signers of the Declaration and the Constitution;the lone star indicates the uniqueness of theAfrican Republic.

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Moreover, here is a wonder such as Solomon in all his wisdomconceived not of, when he said, “there is nothing newunder the sun.” Here on Africa’s shores, the wilderness towhich our fathers came but as yesterday, in ignorance, penuryand want,—we have builded us towns and villages, and noware about to form a Republic—nay, nor was it thought of bythe wise men of Europe and America.—H. J. R.

1847-1913.

The election was held in October, and JosephJenkin Roberts, the Governor of the Commonwealth,was elected to the new office of President of the Republic.One of his earliest acts was to visit Europein order to ask the recognition of the new nation byEuropean countries. The first to recognize the Republicwas Great Britain; France was second. As itmay be interesting to know just what powers have sofar recognized Liberia as a nation, the list is presentedin the order of their recognition, the date ofrecognition being placed within parenthesis:—GreatBritain (1848); France (1852); Lubeck (1855);Bremen (1855); Hamburg (1855); Belgium (1858);Denmark (1860); United States (1862); Italy(1862); Sweden and Norway (1863); Holland(1863); Hayti (1864); Portugal (1865).

Of Roberts, Mr. Thomas, in his West Coast ofAfrica, says: “We called on President Roberts andfamily. Mrs. and Miss Roberts are most intelligentand interesting personages, speak English andFrench fluently, and are, in all respects, well bredand refined. I suppose that they have colored bloodenough in them to swear by, but they might travelthrough every State in the Union without ever beingsuspected of having any connection with the sableprogeny of Ham. Miss Roberts is a blue-eyedblonde, having light brown hair and rosy cheeks; yet[89]she is a genuine African in the know-nothing senseof genuineness, having been born in the woods ofLiberia. The Ex-President is tall and well proportioned,colorless in complexion—hope the reader cantolerate a paradox—but plainly indicating his Africanextraction by a very kinky head of wool, of which,his friends say, he is very proud. We have spoken ofhis official character. In intelligence and moral integrityhe is a superior man, and in the interview ofthat morning displayed much of that excellencein conversation and elegance of manner that haverendered him so popular in the courts of France andEngland. The best evidence of his practical goodsense was displayed in a visit, which he made a fewyears ago, to his colored relatives and his whitefriends in his native state of Virginia. In everycircle he knew his place, and conducted himself insuch a manner as to win great favor among bond andfree.”

It was while he was in London, in 1848, that Mr.Roberts, at a dinner given by the Prussian Ambassador,met Lord Ashley and Mr. Gurley, andreceived from them promises of assistance for purchasingthe land in the neighborhood of theGallinhas River. He was well treated everywhere;he was received by Queen Victoria upon her royalyacht in April; the British Admiralty presented theRepublic with a war vessel, the Lark; he was returnedto Monrovia on the British war-ship Amazon.Roberts was re-elected president for two subsequentterms, holding office until the end of 1855. Duringhis administration there were a number of disordersamong the natives which needed settlement; thus, in1850, the Vai, Dey, and Golah were quarreling; thiswas during the absence of the President. In March,1853, Roberts, with 200 men, went to the region ofCape Mount in order to quiet the disturbance. TheGrando War, in Grand Bassa, called for vigorousaction, and Chief Grando continued to give troubleat intervals from 1850 to 1853. On the whole, the[90]Roberts administrations were successful, and thecountry was greatly strengthened under his direction.

If Roberts was a mulatto, so light that he mighteasily have passed for a white man, his successor,Stephen Allen Benson, was black enough. This isamusingly brought out in an incident given byThomas, which no doubt has some basis in fact, ifit is not literally true. Thomas claims to quote aconversation between Capt. White of Virginia, whilewalking through Monrovia, and a former slave whomhe had known as “Buck” (now “Col. Brown”).The Captain asked, “Which of the candidates for thepresidency are you going to vote for?” “Oh, Benson,sir.” “Has not Roberts made you a good president?”“Oh, yes.” “He is a very smart man,”continued the Captain, “and much respected abroad.I think you had better vote for him.” “That’s alltrue”—Colonel becomes quite animated—“but thefac’s just this, Massa White; the folks say as howwe darkies ain’t fitten to take care o’ oursel’s—ain’tcapable. Roberts is a very fine gentleman, but he’smore white than black. Benson’s colored people allover. There’s no use talking government, an’ makinglaws, an’ that kind o’ things, if they ain’t going tokeep um up. I vote for Benson, sir, case I wantsto know if we’s going to stay nigg*r or turn monkey.”

Stephen Allen Benson was born in Maryland, in1816; he removed to Liberia in 1822; he was capturedand held by the natives for some little time;he was inaugurated President in January, 1856.During his administration Napoleon III presentedthe Republic with the Hirondelle and equipment for1000 armed men. During his administration therewere various troubles with the coast natives, especiallyin the neighborhood of Cape Palmas; in themonth of January, 1857, the difficulty was so seriousthat the very existence of the colony and the Americanmissionaries at Cape Palmas were threatened.A force of Liberian soldiers under Ex-President Robertswas sent upon an English war steamer to their[91]relief; the arrival of so considerable a force awedthe natives and led to a palaver; the natives promisedsubmission and an indemnity for the destructionthey had caused.

The independent colony of Maryland in Liberiahad had a fairly successful existence. Their firstgovernor, J. B. Russwurm, died in 1851. He wassucceeded by McGill, and he by Prout. At the timeof the Grebo War, J. B. Drayton was Governor.Largely as a result of this trouble it was decided thatMaryland should join with the other colonies andbecome a part of the Republic; this annexation tookplace February 28, 1857, ten days after the endingof the Grebo War.

A curious incident took place in 1858. The Frenchship, Regina Coeli, arrived on the Kru Coast, and theCaptain treated with Kru chiefs for men to beshipped as laborers; the men supposed that theywere shipped for a trip along the west coast, as usual,to serve as seamen; learning, however, that their destinationwas the West Indies, they became alarmedand believed that they were to be sold into slavery;the Captain was still on shore, treating with thechiefs; the men mutinied, seized the ship, and killedall the white crew except the doctor; they then returnedto shore and left the ship without a crew; hadshe not been noticed by a passing English steamer, shewould no doubt have been wrecked; she was takeninto a Liberian port. The French Government investigatedthe matter, but it was clearly shown that theLiberian Republic was in no way responsible forthe incident.

In 1860 troubles with British traders in the regionof the Mano River began; these are so fully discussedin another place that we need not present thefacts here.

A great deal of trouble was encountered by theRepublic in preventing smuggling by foreign ships;as it was impossible to adequately man all the portsalong the coast with customs-officers, a law was[92]passed naming certain Ports of Entry at which onlyit was permitted for foreign boats to trade; thisrendered the detection of illegal trade and smugglingeasier.

In 1864 Daniel Bashiel Warner became President.He was a native of the United States, born April 18,1815. It was during his administration that thePorts of Entry Law was passed; it was also duringhis term that an immigration of 300 West Indiannegroes took place; among those who came at thattime were the parents of Arthur Barclay, later prominentin Liberian politics; Arthur Barclay himselfwas a child at the time.

In 1868 James Spriggs Payne became President.He was a clergyman of some literary ability; he wasauthor of a small treatise upon political economy;during his first administration he sent BenjaminAnderson on an official expedition to the interior.Anderson penetrated as far as Musahdu, an importanttown of the Mandingo; Payne served a secondterm, but not immediately following his first; afterhim were President Roye and President Roberts; itwas in 1876 Payne was inaugurated a second time.

In 1870 Edward James Roye, a merchant and ship-owner,became President of the Republic; he was afull negro; he represented the “True Whig” party.His administration is notable for the turbulent characterof its events. It was under him that the famousloan of 1871 was made. Before he became President,an effort had been made to amend the Constitutionin such a way as to make the presidential term fouryears instead of two; the amendment was not carried;when, however, his term of office neared itsend, he proclaimed an extension of his period for twoyears. Public dissatisfaction with the loan and afeeling of outrage at this high-handed action arousedthe people so that they rose against him; in the strifeseveral lives were lost; the President’s house wassacked; search was made for him and one of hissons was caught and imprisoned; in the effort to[93]escape to a British steamer standing in the harbor, itis said that he was drowned. Roye’s deposition tookplace October 26, 1871. A committee of three wasappointed to govern the nation until a new electioncould be held; these gentlemen were Charles B. Dunbar,R. A. Sherman, and Amos Herring.

In this moment of public excitement and disorderthe people looked to their old leader, and Joseph JenkinRoberts was again elected to the presidency; thiswas his fifth term. His time was largely devoted tobringing about calm and order; Benjamin Anderson,in 1874, made a second expedition to Musahdu; in1875 there was a war with the Gedebo (Grebo) ofsome consequence.

After President Payne’s second administrationAnthony W. Gardner became President; he was inauguratedin 1878. It was under his administrationthat the difficulties with England culminated, andLiberian territory was seized by British arms. In1879 took place what is known as the “Carlos incident;”the German steamer, Carlos, was wrecked atNana Kru; the natives looted the vessel and abusedthe shipwrecked Germans who had landed in theirboats; the Germans were robbed of everything theyhad succeeded in bringing to shore with them andwere even stripped of their clothing; they were compelledto walk along the beach to Greenville. The Germanwarship, Victoria, was immediately despatchedto the point of difficulty; she bombarded Nana Kruand the towns about; she then proceeded to Monroviaand demanded £900 damages on behalf of the shipwreckedGermans; the Government was unable tomake prompt settlement and eventually paid theclaim only under threat of a bombardment and withthe help of European merchants in Monrovia. Itwas under President Gardner’s direction that theLiberian Order of African Redemption was established;the decoration of the order consists of a starwith rays pendent from a wreath of olive; upon thestar is the seal of the Republic with the motto, THE[94]LOVE OF LIBERTY BROUGHT US HERE. Gardnerwas re-elected twice, but finally, in despair on accountof the misfortune which his nation was suffering,resigned his office in January, 1883; at his resignationthe Vice-President, A. F. Russell, took the chair.

In 1883 there were two other difficulties withwrecked steamers. The Corisco, a British mailsteamer belonging to the Elder Dempster Company,was wrecked near the mouth of the Grand CestersRiver; the passengers and crew took to the boats,but were plundered by the natives when they landed;the ship itself was also plundered; the Liberian forcepunished the Grand Cesters people for this deed, andthe British Government treated the matter in afriendly manner. About the same time the Senegalwas wrecked upon the Liberian coast and plunderedby the natives. It must be remembered, in connectionwith such events as these, that it has always beenrecognized along that coast, that the natives on thebeach are entitled to whatever wreckage occurs upontheir shores; it is very difficult to disabuse the nativemind of this long recognized principle and toteach them that they must leave wrecked vessels unpillaged.It will be remembered that a difficulty ofthis same kind took place when the first settlers wereliving on Perseverance Island. In September, 1912,while we were in the interior of the Bassa country, aGerman boat of the Woermann Line was wrecked infront of Grand Bassa; although this occurred withinsight of one of the most important settlements in theRepublic, the natives put out in their canoes and tookfrom the sinking ship all its contents.

In 1884 Hilary Richard Wright Johnson becamePresident of the Republic. He was the first “nativeson” to hold the office. He was the child of the oft-mentionedElijah Johnson, one of the first settlers.Hilary was born at Monrovia, June 1, 1837; hegraduated from the Alexander High School, on theSt. Paul’s River, in 1857; for seven years he wasthe private secretary of President Benson; in 1859[95]he became editor of the Liberian Herald, continuingto be so for two years; in 1861 he was elected tothe House of Representatives; in 1862 he visitedEngland and other countries with President Benson;he was Secretary of State under President Warner,and Professor of English and Philosophy in LiberiaCollege; in 1870 he was Secretary of the Interiorunder President Roye, but resigned his office on accountof difference of opinion with him; during theprovisional government and during President Roberts’final administration he was Secretary of State;he became President in 1884 and served eight years;after he left the presidential chair, he was for sometime Postmaster-General; he died at Monrovia in1900. It was in President Johnson’s administrationthat the boundary dispute so long pending with GreatBritain was settled, the Mano River being recognizedas the limit of Liberian territory; through a veryconsiderable part of his time of service efforts werebeing made toward adjusting the unfortunate affairsconnected with the loan of 1871; at the very closeof Johnson’s term of office trouble with the Frenchbegan by their claim on October 26th of the CavallaRiver boundary.

Joseph James Cheeseman was the next President,being inaugurated in 1892. He was born in 1843 atEdina, and was trained for the ministry by hisfather; he was ordained as pastor of the First BaptistChurch in Edina in November, 1868. He was aman of energy; in 1893 he found the third GedeboWar upon his hands; he secured two gunboats—theRocktown and the Gorronama—to patrol the coastfor the prevention of smuggling; during his administrationthe use of paper currency was abolished andgold payment established. He was twice re-electedand died in office in the middle of his third term,November 15, 1896. The Vice-President, WilliamDavid Coleman, took the presidency and, at the closeof his filling of the unexpired term, was elected tothe presidency.

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William David Coleman was a resident of Clay-Ashland.His term was rather troubled; his interiorpolicy was unpopular; he quarreled with his legislature;and finally resigned in December, 1900, underthreat of impeachment. As there was no vice-presidentat the time, the Secretary of State, G. W. Gibson,succeeded to his office. It was during PresidentColeman’s administration that Germany offered, in1897, to take over Liberia as a protected territory;the offer was refused, but certainly is interesting.Germany has watched with some concern the constantencroachments of Great Britain and Franceupon Liberian territory and sovereign rights; havingno territorial boundary herself, she is unable to pursuetheir methods; she is watching, however, andunless, as some suspect, there is an actual understandingbetween Great Britain and France, as tothe eventual complete division of the Republic betweenthem, it is certain that, when the GermanGovernment thinks Liberia’s neighbors are going toofar in their land piracy, she herself will take a handand grasp the whole Republic. Such at least is apossibility not infrequently suggested.

Garretson Warner Gibson was born in Baltimore,Maryland, May 20, 1832; he was but three years oldwhen he went with his parents to Cape Palmas; hewas educated under Bishop Payne and became ateacher in the mission school at Cavalla; in 1851 hewent to the United States for the purpose of studying,returning to Cape Palmas two years later. In1854 he was made deacon by Bishop Payne, the firstordained in the African field; he later became priestand preached and taught through a period of yearsuntil 1858, when he came to Monrovia to open up achurch. He occupied a variety of political offices,but under Gardner, Cheeseman, and Coleman wasSecretary of State; on the resignation of Coleman hefilled out his term, and was himself elected Presidentfor the period from 1902 to 1904. He was three timespresident of Liberia College and was always interested[97]in educational affairs; in 1908 he was a memberof the commission which visited the United States;he died at Monrovia April 26, 1910.

In 1904 Arthur Barclay became president. Wehave already stated that he was a native of the WestIndies, having been born at Barbados in 1854; hewas of pure African parentage; his parents took himwith them to Liberia in 1865; graduating fromLiberia College in 1873, he became private secretaryto President Roberts; after filling various minoroffices, he became, in 1892, Postmaster-General, in1894, Secretary of State, and in 1896, Secretary ofthe Treasury. He served two terms of two yearseach; during the second of these terms the Constitutionwas amended and the term of office of thePresident extended to four years; in 1908 PresidentBarclay entered upon his third term of office, thistime for the longer period. Arthur Barclay is a manof extraordinary ability; he has for years been theacknowledged leader of the Liberian bar; many ofthe most important incidents of Liberian historyoccurred within his period of administration; mostof them, however, are connected with the vital problemsof the Republic and their discussion will befound elsewhere.

The present executive of the Liberian Republic isDaniel Edward Howard. He assumed office January1st and 2nd, 1912; at his inauguration one day wasgiven to the native chiefs, a new feature in inauguration,and one to be encouraged. In his inauguraladdress President Howard laid particular stress uponagriculture, education, and the native policy. He isthe third “native son” to hold the presidential office.His father was Thomas Howard, who for years waschairman of the Republic. Of him Ellis says: “Comparativelya young man, Secretary Howard is a naturalleader of men. Frank, honest, and decisive, hemay be truly described as the Mark Hanna ofLiberian politics. He received his education atLiberia College and in the study and management of[98]men. Proud of his race and country, he is to mymind today the strongest single factor in the LiberianRepublic. He has large influence with the aboriginalsbecause of his ability to speak fluently a number ofnative tongues, and he is usually relied upon to settlethe native palavers and difficulties. He is chairmanof the National True Whig Committee, and for yearshas been keeping in touch with, and commanding thegreat forces of his party. It is said of him that tohis friends he is as true as steel, and that he does notknow what it is to break a promise.”

President Howard has an able Cabinet, liberalviews, and the courage of his convictions.

Of men not actually in the present government, butof commanding influence and significance, two mustbe mentioned. No clear understanding of the presenttrend of Liberian affairs is possible without someknowledge of their personality. Here again we quotefrom Ellis: “Secretary Johnson is the grandson ofElijah Johnson, the historic Liberian patriot, whoby his wisdom and courage saved the infant colonyof Liberia from early extirpation; and the son ofthe late Ex-President Hilary Johnson, one of Liberia’snotable public men. Secretary Johnson is proud anddignified in his bearing, scholarly in his attainments,and fluent in his speech. For years he has acknowledgedno superior, and has been recognized as a closecompetitor of President Barclay at the bar. He hasenjoyed extensive foreign travel and has had a variedpublic experience. He has served on two importantforeign missions, and at different times has beenPostmaster-General, Attorney-General, and is nowSecretary of State.” It will be seen of course fromthe contents of these quotations from Ellis that hisarticle was written just before Barclay’s administrationended. There is no man in Liberia who has amore complete grasp upon Liberian problems thanF. E. R. Johnson. At the time of the visit of theAmerican Commission to Monrovia, he presented for[99]their study and examination a defense of the Liberianposition, which was masterly.

Of Vice-President Dossen—now Chief Justice of theSupreme Court—Ellis says: “He is a man of magnificentphysique and splendid intellectual powers,aggressive and proud in spirit, ready and forceful inlanguage, he has enjoyed a useful public record. Forten years he was Associate Justice of the SupremeCourt and compiled the publication of the SupremeCourt Decisions. He served as envoy extraordinaryto France and to the United States, and now presideswith becoming dignity over the deliberations of theLiberian Senate.” It was a matter of serious disappointmentto us, that we were unable to meet JohnJ. Dossen when in Liberia; he is certainly one ofthe best men in Liberian public life today; much isstill to be expected from him.

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PROBLEMS

I have heard men express preferences. They have mademention of whom they desire to rule over them if the worstshould come upon us nationally. Some are rampant afterAmerican associations; some are enamoured of the English;some would have the Germans, others the French. Personally Iindulge no such predilections. They argue an abandonment ofhope; they display a lack of vitality; they are an absolute admissionof incapacity and of failure. For my part I am aLiberian first and last and my desire is that Liberia shouldendure till the heavens fall, that this country be controlled byLiberians for Liberians. But I also desire that these Liberiansbe tolerant; that they be prescient; that they be energetic, industrious,and public-spirited; that they be courageous inshouldering their national responsibilities; that they be liberaland that they become a great and glorious people, unanimousin sentiment, united in action, abounding in all the virtueswhich make a nation powerful, perpetual and enduring.—E.Barclay.

BOUNDARY QUESTIONS.

The most pressing and ever urgent question whichthe Republic has to face is the protection of its frontieragainst aggression; Liberia has two powerfulneighbors, both of which are land-hungry and arecontinually pressing upon her borders; she hasalready lost large slices of her territory and is stillmenaced with further loss.

FIRST BRITISH AGGRESSION.

Shortly after his election to the presidency of theRepublic, President J. J. Roberts visited Europe. Hewas well received both in England and France. Onone occasion, in 1848, when he was dining in Londonwith the Prussian Ambassador, the conversation dealtwith the difficulties which the Liberian settlers had[101]with the native chiefs along the Gallinhas River;these hostilities were kept alive by slave traders whohad their trading stations near the river’s mouth;these difficulties had generally been incited anddirected by a chief named Mano. Among the guestswho were present at the dinner were Lord Ashley andMr. Gurney; it was suggested that an end might beput to these difficulties and the anti-slavery causeadvanced, if Liberia would purchase this territory;considerable interest was aroused by the suggestion,and through Lord Ashley’s effort the necessarymoney was raised for consummating the purchase.On his return to Liberia, President Roberts enteredinto negotiations which extended from 1849 to 1856,by which the land was gradually acquired; the areasecured stretched from the Mano River to the Sewaand Sherbro Island on the west. Through the annexationof this territory, Liberia’s domain extendedfrom Cape Lahon to the eastward of Cape Palmas,west to the border of Sierra Leone, a distance of 600miles. This acquisition of territory was attendedwith considerable difficulty; the influence of traders,of slavers, and even of England herself was thrownin the way of the negotiations—so Commodore Footetells us. Nor did the acquisition of the territory putan end to the difficulties in that region. In the year1860 John Myers Harris, an English trader, had establishedhimself in the country between the Manoand Sulima Rivers and refused to acknowledgeLiberia’s authority; as he was conducting a flagranttrade in contravention of Liberian laws of commerce,President Benson sent a coast guard to seize twoschooners, the Phoebe and Emily, which had beenconsigned to him; the seizure was made betweenCape Mount and Mano Point, clearly Liberian territory.It is curious that this seizure was made by aLiberian government vessel, the Quail, which hadbeen a gift to the Republic from Great Britain. Wehave, then, a vessel, contributed through British sympathy,operating within an area secured through[102]British philanthropy, against law-breaking indulgedin by British subjects. The captured schooners weretaken to Liberia and were held for legal adjudication;under the orders of the Sierra Leone Government,the British gunboat, Torch, appeared at Monrovia,and seized the two schooners by force on December17; at the same time the commander of thisgunboat demanded from the Liberian Government apenalty of fifteen pounds per day for nineteen days’detention. Shortly after these events, PresidentBenson, on his way to England for public business,visited the government of Sierra Leone and tried toadjust the difficulties which had arisen; he was,however, referred to London. At about this timepart of the disputed territory was annexed by SierraLeone to her own area. While in London, Bensontook up the matter with the British Government.Lord Russell acknowledged the territorial rights ofLiberia to extend from the coast east of Turner Point(Mattru) to the San Pedro River on the east, thusadmitting the point for which Liberia contended.This decision was by no means satisfactory to thetroublers in Africa. Harris agitated the matter indispute. Backed by Governor Hall of Sierra Leone,he and neighboring traders protested against the concessionRussell had made. A commission was thereforeappointed and met at Monrovia April 25, 1863,continuing in session until May 4, when it adjournedwithout decision. The British Commissioners examinedthe title deeds held by Liberia and were inclinedto recognize some of these and to refuse others; theyobjected to Liberia’s possessing any territory beyondthe Mano River, and proposed that river as theboundary. The Liberian Commissioners demurred,urging the validity of the deeds they showed and proposingthat the Sherbro should be their northwestboundary; they asserted a good title to the territoriesknown as Cassee, Gumbo, and Muttru. TheBritish Commissioners based their claims upon lettersfrom the chiefs of the territories involved and on[103]statements which they asserted had been made bythem. The Commission broke up without a settlement,as the Liberians held strictly to the concessionwhich Lord Russell had previously made. London,however, yielding to the colonial pressure, regrettedthat no solution had been reached, andclaimed that it was “justified in view of the facts”in only recognizing Liberia’s sovereignty overSugaree. The closing episode in this exchange ofviews was the sending of a letter by Dr. Blyden, whowas then Secretary of State for the Republic, whichran as follows: “The President is equally grievedthat the oral statements of barbarous and heathenchiefs on a subject affecting the prosperity of a risingChristian state should be regarded by Her Majesty’sGovernment as entitled to more weight than thestatements of Christian men supported by writtendocuments and by the known local conduct of thechiefs towards the Liberian Government since thecession of their territories until very recently.”

As might be expected, the troubles did not cease.Traders continued to smuggle; local chiefs continuedto harass; shipping continued to bid defiance toLiberian laws; vessels continued to be seized; threatscontinued to be made. Harris began to act almost asif he were an independent chief within this territory;there were various tribes about him, and someof them were inclined to resist his exactions; disputeswith him aroused the Vai to undertake reprisals;Harris organized the Gallinhas peoples in anattack upon the Vai; the Liberian Government sentforces in 1869 to aid the Vai, who were loyal tothem. The Gallinhas natives were defeated, fled, andin their rage turning on Harris, destroyed one of hisfactories; this of course gave him a basis for newclaims for damages. On this military expeditionsome property had been destroyed or confiscated.Thus new difficulties grew up; there were occasionalseizures, retaliatory threats, demands for damages,shows of force. Naturally, the hostile chiefs living[104]in the Mano District, encouraged by the unsettledconditions, raided and destroyed Liberian settlements;things presently were critical, and in 1871another expedition was despatched by the LiberianGovernment into Mano and Sulima; property wasdestroyed, including powder and goods belonging toBritish owners; the usual demands for damages weremade, and these demands known as the “Mano RiverClaims” were pending until 1882.

Between the constant pushing of the “HarrisClaims” and the “Mano River Claims,” thingsfinally came to a head in December, 1878. A newcommission was then appointed which met in 1879,first at Sierra Leone, then at Sulima; CommodoreShufeldt, of the American navy, was chosen as anarbitrator between the two contestants. The “HarrisClaims” by this time amounted to some 6000 pounds.The conduct of Great Britain on this occasion wassupercilious. The Liberian Commissioners, afterreaching Sierra Leone, were kept waiting for threeweeks before the British Commissioners made theirappearance; the commissioners examined the titledeeds of the Liberian Government and took oral testimonyof witnesses favorable to and hostile to theLiberian claims. The Liberians claimed the territoriesknown as Sugaree, Mano, Rock River, andSulima; the British Commissioners took the groundthat no such countries were in existence. The meetingwas rather stormy; Shufeldt reduced the “HarrisClaims” to £3000, but the British Commissionerswere not inclined either in this matter or in othersto abide by the decision of the umpire; finally theCommission broke up without accomplishing anygood results. The British claimed that Sierra Leoneshould undertake the protectorate of the whole countryas far as the Mano River, as they said Liberiawas unable to maintain order west of that point.“Undoubtedly they were unable to fight British traders,since every time they used force, marine ormilitary, the said traders were able to command the[105]armed interference of the Sierra Leone Government.”The matter was again referred to London; nothingfinal was there done.

Matters reached a crisis when, on March 20, 1882,Sir Arthur Havelock, governor of Sierra Leone, withfour gunboats appeared before Monrovia and demandedthat the Republic should pay an indemnity of£8,500 to settle all outstanding claims, and that itshould accept the Maffa River as a boundary. TheLiberian Government yielded to these insistentclaims. They promised to pay the indemnity, admittedthe Maffa River as a temporary boundary,and agreed to receive from Great Britain a moneypayment in return for what she had expended forthe purchase of the disputed territory. Before theLiberian Government yielded, she set up a statementof her own position which was just and dignified.As soon as the action of the government was knownat Monrovia, Havelock having returned to SierraLeone, violent hostility arose; the Senate rejectedthe treaty; the Liberians asked that the whole matterbe submitted to arbitration. On September 7,Sir Arthur Havelock again appeared with gunboats,demanding immediate ratification of the treaty.Liberia again raised her defense: “If the contestedterritory was British, why did the British Governmentclaim from Liberia an indemnity for acts ofviolence amongst the natives which had taken placethereon? If, however, Liberia acknowledged her responsibility,as she had done, and agreed to pay anindemnity, why should she be in addition deprivedof territories for the law and order of which shewas held responsible, and which were hers by actsof purchase admitted by the British Government?”The Senate again refused to ratify the treaty. SirArthur Havelock sailed away; but in March, 1883,the Sierra Leone Government seized the territoriesin question between Sherbro and the Mano River,territories which from first to last had cost Liberia£20,000. The whole matter was finally settled by a[106]treaty signed at London, Nov. 11, 1885, wherebythe river Mano was admitted to be the westernboundary; a badly defined interior line was agreedupon; a repayment of £4750 of purchase money wasmade to Liberia.

THE KANRE-LAHUN AFFAIR.

The next act of serious aggression on the part ofGreat Britain grew out of the bad definition of theinterior boundary by the treaty of 1885. The ManoRiver had been recognized as the boundary betweenSierra Leone and Liberia. The question now aroseas to whether the two parties enjoyed equal rights offreedom on the river. The Liberian Government attemptedto secure to Liberian traders and toforeigners resident in Liberia the rights to free navigationon the river without subjection to the paymentof customs dues and other charges to the Sierra LeoneGovernment. The matter became of sufficient consequenceto call for a commission in the year 1901.Three Liberians, among them Arthur Barclay, thenSecretary of the Treasury (later President of theRepublic), were appointed; the meeting was held inLondon and led to the following memorandum ofa*greement between His Majesty’s Government andthe Liberian Republic.

1. His Majesty’s Government are prepared toaccede to the requests of the Liberian Governmentthat a British officer should be deputed to demarcatethe Anglo-Liberian Boundary.

2. They are also ready to lend the services of aBritish officer for employment by the Liberian Governmentin the demarcation of the Franco-LiberianBoundary whenever the Liberian Government shallhave made an arrangement with the French Governmentfor such demarcation.

3. The Liberian Government undertakes to repayto His Majesty’s Government the whole of any costincurred by them in connection with the survey anddemarcation of the Anglo-Liberian Frontier.

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4. His Majesty’s Government are willing that, inlieu of the Governor of Sierra Leone acting as BritishConsul to Liberia, arrangements shall be made wherebysome other British officer shall be Consul in theRepublic.

5. His Majesty’s Government undertakes thesurvey of the Kru Coast, provided the Liberian Governmentwill throw open to foreign trade the nativeports on the coast.

6. With regard to the navigation on the ManoRiver, His Majesty’s Government are prepared topermit the Government of the Liberian Republic andits citizens to trade on that river, provided that itis not to be considered actual right, and if, in return,the Government of Sierra Leone is allowed to connectby bridges and ferries the two banks of the riverwith any roads or trade-routes in the neighborhood.

7. The Government of the Liberian Republic haveexpressed a desire for closer union with Great Britain:His Majesty’s Government are actuated bythe most friendly feelings toward the Republic; andwith the view of meeting their wishes in this respect,so far as it is consistent with the declaration madeby His Majesty’s government in connection withother powers, will at all times be ready to advisethem in matters affecting the welfare of Liberia, andto confer with the Government of the Republic asto the best means of securing its independence andthe integrity of its territory.

When this agreement was submitted to the Senateof Liberia for ratification, they made the followingamendments:

Section 1. Amended to read, that the LiberianGovernment shall depute an officer or officers to beassociated with the British officer in demarcating theAnglo-Liberian Boundary.

Section 2. Amended to read, that the LiberianGovernment shall depute an officer or officers to beassociated with the British and French officers indemarcating the Franco-Liberian Frontier.

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Section 5. The Senate, not perceiving the advisabilityof throwing the coast open for the present, isunder the necessity of withholding its vote in favorof this section.

Section 7. Amended to read, “One bridge at theplace where the Liberian Customs House is nowerected, and one ferry at the place where the secondLiberian Customs House may hereafter be erected;that said bridge and ferry will be accessible to thecitizens of the Liberian Government without any restrictionsor extra toll, or charges, more than isrequired to be paid by the subjects of His Majesty’sGovernment.”

The British Government left the settlement of thedetails of that portion of the agreement which hadreference to the navigation of the Mano River to besettled between the Liberian Government and theGovernment of Sierra Leone. The colonial governmentimposed such restrictions that no understandingwas ever arrived at. However, a joint commissionfor the demarcation of the Anglo-Liberian frontierwas appointed and in 1903 proceeded with itswork. In due time the boundary was satisfactorilysettled by this commission. This boundary, however,very soon gave rise to a serious difficulty and to aflagrant aggression. By the delimitation, the townand district of Kanre-Lahun fell to Liberia; ColonelWilliams, the Liberian Commissioner, hoisted theLiberian flag at that town which, at the time, wasoccupied by a detachment of the Sierra Leone FrontierForce; curiously enough, the British force wasnot withdrawn.

In 1904 the British Government complained to theLiberian Government that the Kissi were makingraids into British territory in consequence of a warbetween Fabundah, a chief of the Kanre-Lahun District,and Kah Furah, a Kissi chief, and asked permissionfor the entrance of British troops into Liberianterritory for the purpose of repressing thedisorder which, it was said, threatened British interests.[109]The request was granted; British troops advancedto the Mafisso where they established a post.In November the British Vice-Consul sent word tothe President of Liberia saying that the chief KahFurah had been driven out of the Kissi country,and that the people, at the invitation of the militaryauthorities, had elected a new chief, and had pledgedthemselves not to receive Kah Furah among themagain. The Liberian Government assumed that thematter was at an end and that the British force hadbeen withdrawn. In 1906 Mr. Lomax, the LiberianCommissioner for the French frontier, was instructedto proceed to this point; he reached Kanre-Lahun inDecember, and found Waladi, a town in Liberian territory,garrisoned by a Sierra Leone force. WhileMr. Lomax was at Kanre-Lahun, complaints weremade against him by the Chief Fabundah and others.These complaints were examined in the presence ofGovernor Probyn, Sir Harry Johnston, Mr. Lamont,and leading military officers, and Mr. Lomax justifiedhimself completely, except in a single case wheredamages of five pounds were suggested and paid.Later on, British officers sent in complaints that theescort with Mr. Lomax were plundering the country.It was impossible in such districts and under such circ*mstancesto prevent some petty thieving. Mr.Lomax, however, accepted the complaints and paidthe damages claimed. With a view to permanentlysettling the country under Liberian rule, Mr. Lomaxordered a local election to be held. Three chiefs werechosen—Fabundah for the lower section, Gardi forthe Bombali section, and Bawma for the Gormah section.Fabundah, who before had been exercisingjurisdiction over the Bombali, was dissatisfied. TheSierra Leone authorities promised to support himagainst the Liberian Government; they placed afrontier force at his disposal for the purpose of ruiningthe chiefs who were favorable to Liberian controlor who had received commissions from the President;efforts to arouse opposition and dissatisfaction[110]were made; Lomax was hounded from the district;the chief, Gardi, was driven from the country, histown was plundered, and his brother made a prisonerin Kanre-Lahun.

In 1908 attempts had been made in Europe to settledifficulties pending with Great Britain and France.Mr. F. E. R. Johnson, the Liberian Secretary of State,who had been sent to arrange these matters, foundconditions threatening. In London the British Governmentstated that it had no designs against Liberia,but that they believed the French were planningencroachment, and that, if Liberia lost territory toFrance, Great Britain would find it necessary to takea new piece of territory contingent to Sierra Leonein her own defense. Matters appeared so serious thatPresident Barclay was advised to come to Europehimself; he arrived in London on the 29th of August,accompanied by T. McCants Stewart, and there metMr. Johnson. He told the British Government of hisfears regarding further aggression upon Liberianterritory and expressed the desire that Great Britainand America should jointly guarantee the independenceand territorial integrity of the Republic.The reply was that Great Britain would on no accountenter into any such guarantee; if the Liberian Governmentobtained a settled frontier with France, andinaugurated certain reforms, there would be littledanger of any one’s troubling it; if the reformsdesired by England were not undertaken, nothingwould save it from the end which threatened. Atthe same time London refused to treat of the Kanre-Lahunand Mano River difficulties until after thetroubles with France had been arranged. In France,as will be shortly seen, the Liberian envoys met withno success; a treaty was indeed arranged by meansof which the Republic was robbed of a large amountof valuable territory. The envoys were again inLondon in September to take up the matters of theKanre-Lahun and Mano River negotiations. TheBritish officials now demanded that Fabundah should[111]come entirely under the jurisdiction of the BritishGovernment, and that the frontier line on the northwestshould be so altered as to place his territorywithin the British colony; the area thus demandedcontained something like 250 square miles of territory.At no time had the area actually in charge ofFabundah amounted to any such quantity; the Liberiansdemurred at the largeness of the territorialclaim—the British officials themselves stated thatthey were surprised at its extent, but insisted uponreceiving the entire amount. No decision was actuallyreached, the matter being postponed until thedelimitation of the new Franco-Liberian boundaryshould be achieved.

Great Britain’s claim to this region was based uponthe flimsiest pretext. It is true that she had hadrelations with Fabundah before the boundary hadbeen delimited; it is true that, previous to that date,she had had a force in Kanre-Lahun; however, whenthe boundary was actually fixed, Kanre-Lahun wasclearly within Liberian territory, and no objectionwhatever was made to the Republic’s taking possessionand to the withdrawal of the Sierra Leone force.When, later on, Great Britain sent soldiers into thearea, it was done on the pretext that intertribal difficultiesin the region threatened British interests; permissionwas given as a favor to Great Britain andwith the expectation that, as soon as the difficultyhad been adjusted, the British force would be withdrawn.Such was not the case; once in Kanre-Lahun,it remained there; Major Lomax was hounded fromthe country; the Liberian customs officer, Mr.Hughes, was ordered to abandon his post of duty andto surrender the customs house to the British commander.This act of occupation was bad enough;but soon Great Britain demanded that the army ofoccupation should be paid by the Liberian Governmentbefore it would evacuate the district; no suchunderstanding had been arranged, and the claim wasunjustified and ridiculous; the frontier force of Sierra[112]Leone was not increased, nor put to any extraexpense in the matter. In asking for a new boundaryline which should cut out Fabundah’s territory,flagrant injustice was committed; it is true that theboundary which had been arranged cut the land controlledby the chief; about one-twenty-fifth of histerritory was on the British side, the remainingtwenty-four-twenty-fifths being in Liberia; if a newline were to be drawn, it should have given the one-twenty-fifthto Liberia and reduced the Sierra Leoneterritory. The matter dragged along for months.December 8, 1909, President Barclay accepted aproposition to exchange or sell the district in dispute;the legislature refused to accept the proposition. InMay, 1911, however, an agreement was finallyarranged; the British authorities took over theKanre-Lahun District, an area of extraordinarywealth and dense population; in return for this valuableand most needed area, Liberia received a pieceof country lying between the Morro and Mano Rivers,which had formerly been a part of the Colony ofSierra Leone; this territory is almost without population,densely forested, and practically worthless.Even so, it is little likely that the Republic will beleft in peaceful possession of it. On some pretext,in the future, Great Britain will no doubt regain it.

THE FRENCH BOUNDARY QUESTION.

When Maryland was added to the Liberian Republic,it possessed lands acquired by deeds of purchaseand treaties as far east as the San Pedro River, sixtymiles east of the Cavalla; this country was occupiedby Kru tribes, and its eastern boundary practicallymarked their limit; it was hence not only a geographical,but an ethnographical boundary. Foryears no one questioned Liberia’s right to the wholearea, and on maps and in repeated descriptions of thecountry its rights were recognized. In 1885, however,the French Government claimed that the Frenchpossessions extended continuously from the Ivory[113]Coast westward beyond the Cavalla River and CapePalmas as far as Garawé; at the same time it suggestedcertain shadowy claims to Cape Mount, GrandBassa, and Grand Butu;—in other words, points atintervals along the whole coast of the Liberian Republic;these claims were based on agreements statedto have been drawn up between native chiefs and thecommanders of war vessels. In 1891 the FrenchGovernment officially communicated to Great Britainher intention of taking possession of and administeringthe district mentioned as far as Garawé; shemodified her claim, however, in such a way as toextend her rights only to the Cavalla River. In 1891a French commissioner was authorized to treat withLiberia in this matter. He claimed that the Frenchhad deeds to Grand Cesters, dating to 1788, and toGarawé, dating to 1842; he referred to other shadowyrights and mentioned treaties which, he asserted,chiefs in the neighborhood of the Cavalla and SanPedro Rivers had made with French authorities;asked to produce these documents, he admitted thathe did not have them with him. The French Governmentasked that Liberia should recognize the right ofFrance from the Cavalla River to the San Pedro, sayingthat, if this recognition were granted, they mightnot revive their old claims. Liberia urged that thetreaty formed with her by the French Governmentin 1852 clearly recognized her rights to the region inquestion; a French war map, dated 1882, was shown,on which Liberia’s area was clearly shown to extendto the San Pedro River; at the same time Liberiaasked that the whole matter should be referred toarbitration. Arbitration was refused; a treaty drawnup by France was offered for approval in August,1892; the Liberian legislature refused absolutely toratify it, and the Liberian Government appealed tothe United States for assistance and advice. Thecountry was greatly aroused over the manifest injusticeof its powerful neighbor. Especially in Maryland,[114]feeling ran high. A printed appeal was issuedto the world. In it occurs the following passage:

“We appeal to all the civilized nations of theworld.—Consider, we pray you, the situation. Havingbeen carried away into slavery, and, by theblessing of God, returned from exile to our fatherland,are we now to be robbed of our rightful inheritance?Is there not to be a foot of land in Africa,that the African, whether civilized or savage, cancall his own? It has been asserted that the race isnot capable of self-government, and the eyes of manyare watching the progress of Liberia with a view todetermining that question. We only ask, in all fairness,to be allowed just what any other people wouldrequire—free scope for operation. Do not wrest ourterritory from us and hamper us in our operations,and then stigmatize the race with incapacity, becausewe do not work miracles. Give us a fair chance, andthen if we utterly fail, we shall yield the point. Wepray you, the civilized and Christian nations of theworld, to use your influence in our behalf. We haveno power to prevent this aggression on the part of theFrench Government: but we know that we have righton our side, and are willing to have our claims to theterritory in question examined. We do not consent toFrance’s taking that portion of our territory lyingbetween the Cavalla and San Pedro Rivers; nor do werecognize its claims to points on our Grain Coastwhich, as shown above, our government has been inpossession of for so long. We protest, too, againstthat government’s marking off narrow limits ofinterior land for us. We claim the right to extendas far interiorward as our necessities require. Weare not foreigners: we are Africans, and this isAfrica. Such being the case, we have certain naturalrights—God-given rights—to this territory which noforeigners can have. We should have room enough,not only for our present population, but also to afforda home for our brethren in exile who may wish toreturn to their fatherland and help us to build up a[115]negro nationality. We implore you, the civilized andChristian nations of the world, to use your influenceto have these, our reasonable requirements secured tous.” But neither the official appeal to the UnitedStates nor the unofficial appeal to the Christiannations of the world availed. France seized the territoryand threatened to refuse to recognize rightsbeyond Grand Cesters on the seaboard, and Boporo inthe interior. After fruitless remonstrance, the Republicwas forced to yield and a treaty was acceptedon December 8, 1892. By it the Cavalla River wasrecognized as the boundary between France andLiberia, from its mouth “as far as a point situated ata point” about twenty miles south of its confluencewith the River “Fodedougouba” at the intersectionof the parallel 6° 30′ north and the Paris meridian9° 12′ west; thence along 6° 30′ as far as 10° west,with the proviso that the basin of the Grand CestersRiver should belong to Liberia and the basin of theFodedougouba to France; then north along 10° to 8°north; and then northwest to the latitude of TembiKunda (supposed 8° 35′), after which due west alongthe latitude of Tembi Kunda, until it intersects theBritish boundary near that place. But the entireNiger Basin should be French; Bamaquilla andMahommadou should be Liberian; Mousardou andNaalah, French.

LATER FRENCH DIFFICULTIES.

Notwithstanding this delimitation, difficulties withthe French continued. In 1895 French posts alongthe northern border began to crowd in upon theRepublic. The town of Lola, in Liberia, was attackedby Senegalese soldiers; these were repulsed and twoFrench officers were killed. Aggressions continueduntil, finally, in 1903, Liberia begged that a finaldelimitation might be arranged, as the old had provedcompletely unsatisfactory. In 1904 F. E. R. Johnsonand J. J. Dossen were sent to France to arrangematters. On their way, they called at the British[116]Foreign Office and asked their aid and interest inbringing about an understanding. Arrived in Paris,it was quickly found that the French were planningto possess themselves of all the territory situated inthe basin of the Cavalla and the Upper St. Paul’sRivers; the British Foreign Office expressed sympathy,but did nothing more. In 1905 several effortswere made toward bringing about an agreement. Dr.Blyden was sent to France, but accomplished nothing;in November Sir Harry Johnston was asked to treatwith the French Government which, however, refusedto recognize him as an official negotiator. In 1907Secretary Johnson was commissioned to treat withthe French Government, but found its attitude mosthostile and unfriendly. President Barclay himselfwas summoned to Europe; taking T. McCants Stewartwith him, they joined Johnson, and interviewedthe French officials. A treaty was submitted to themby which Liberia would be deprived of a large portionof her territory situated in the richest and mostprosperous districts of the Republic. It was in vainthat the Liberian commissioners remonstrated; theFrench were inflexible. The English Government hadrefused to deal with the commissioners in regard tothe British boundary difficulty until they had cometo some arrangement with France. In this unhappycondition of affairs, the commissioners decided toconsult the American Ambassador in Paris; theyasked that the United States should assist Liberia andprevent her being robbed of so large a portion of herterritory, and should use her influence in bringingthe French Government to submit the whole matter indispute to arbitration. Ambassador White repliedthat he doubted whether the United States would aidLiberia in this crisis; he advised President Barclayto accept the treaty, urging that, if he failed to do so,the French would make further encroachments, andthe Republic would meet with greater losses. As thecase seemed hopeless, the commissioners accepted thetreaty. It involved the delimitation of a fixed[117]boundary by an international commission. Liberiaengaged two Dutch officials as her commissioners.They were on hand ready to fix the boundary in February,1898, but were kept waiting until May by thedilatoriness of the French commissioners; in order tohave a permanent boundary fixed, the Republic madegreat concessions and lost valuable regions. It waswilling, however, to sacrifice much for peace.

Of course the sacrifice was without result. At thepresent time the whole question of the Franco-Liberianboundary is again open, and from the pointsurged by the French Government it is evident thatit aims at new acquisition of territory and newrestriction of the power of the little Republic.

[118]

We stand at the threshold of a new era; new political theoriesare being advanced; new interpretations are being given tothe principles of international law; larger fulfilments of nationalobligations are being required of individual nations; newduties are being thrust upon us. They cannot be shirked, wemust keep pace with world requirements. Regeneration andreform must be our watchword. The people must see that theybecome so. The process must operate from within outwards,or else influences from without will compass our ruin.—E.Barclay.

THE FRONTIER FORCE.

When President Barclay was in London, the BritishGovernment demanded that certain internalreforms should take place in the Republic before itwould discuss a final settlement of either the ManoRiver or Kanre-Lahun difficulties. Shortly afterthe President’s return to Monrovia, Mr. BraithwaitWallis, Consul-General of Great Britain to Liberia,issued a memorandum on the subject—apparentlyunder the fear “lest we forget”. This memorandum,which bears the date of January 14, 1908, occupiesfour printed pages, and condenses into that briefspace an astonishing amount of venom and insolence.A few quotations will show its spirit:

“Your Excellency will remember then beinginformed that a critical moment had arrived in thehistory of the Republic, that however it might havebeen twenty or even ten years ago, the time had nowgone by when Liberia could re-enact the part of ahermit kingdom, and that she must not lose a momentin setting herself seriously to work to put her housein order, or be prepared at no distant date, to disappearfrom the catalogue of independent countries.His Majesty’s Government, as Your Excellency isaware, have absolutely no designs against either the[119]independence or the integrity of the Republic. Theironly desire is that a country which, on one of itsfrontiers, marches with an important British Colony,and with which not only that Colony, but GreatBritain itself, has large and growing commercialrelations, should have such a stable or effective Governmentas will conduce to its own prosperity, andremove any danger of its losing its independence.His Majesty’s Government do not consider that theGovernment of the Republic is either stable or effective.Improvement has indeed resulted from the appointmentof two Customs Officers, and the Customs revenueof the country has largely developed. But it isalso considered as absolutely essential, if suchimprovement is to continue and to extend to otherbranches of the Government, that the finances of thecountry be placed, at any rate for the time being,in the hands of an European financial expert, andthat at least three more European Customs expertsbe appointed. And further, no Government can besaid to have a stable basis, when it is without anymeans of enforcing its authority. His Majesty’sGovernment, therefore, considers that it is essentialthat a trustworthy police, under European officers,should be at once established. With regard to theappointment of a financial expert, who could adviseand assist the Secretary of the Treasury, in the financialaffairs of the Country, Mr. Lamont has alreadybeen appointed Financial Adviser to the Republic.He is, however, only so in name, but should now bemade so in actual fact. His Majesty’s Governmentfurther consider that the Liberian judiciary ought toundergo drastic reform.” Mr. Wallis recapitulatesthe reforms demanded in the following statement:(a) the appointment of a financial expert, who willplace the finances of the country on a sound footing,and will advise the Secretary of the Treasury onfinancial matters. (b) The establishment of an efficient,well armed, and well disciplined police forceunder competent European Officers; and one that will[120]command the respect of the Powers. (c) Theappointment of at least three more European Customsexperts. (d) The reform of the judiciary. “Ifthe Liberian Government carry out the reforms hereinindicated within SIX MONTHS, counted from thedate of Your Excellency’s return to Monrovia fromEngland, His Majesty’s Government will on theirside be happy to assist in carrying them into effectin the same way as they have recently been assistingin the work of re-organizing the Liberian Customs.They will further be happy to suspend pressing themonetary and other claims which they have againstLiberia, and will endeavor to come to a settlement,on a mutually satisfactory basis, on the long outstandingquestion of the navigation of the ManoRiver and the trouble on the Anglo-LiberianFrontier.”

In other words, Great Britain was quite willing toassume the whole running of Liberian affairs; shewould be glad to manage her financial matters, totrain and handle her frontier force, to collect her customsduties, and manage them, to interfere with, andcontrol her government completely. She hinted atwhat she might do if these reforms were not carriedinto effect; she ended with a querulous complaintregarding advantages which German shipping wassaid to be securing to the disadvantage of Britishinterests. This truly extraordinary document wassigned in the following highly dignified fashion:

I have the honor to be,
with great truth and regard
Sir,
Your Excellency’s
most obedient,
humble servant,
BRAITHWAIT WALLIS,
His Britannic Majesty’s Consul.

One of the cries of the present day internationalismis “effective occupation”. It is only as a country[121]demonstrates itself able to protect its borders, and tomaintain peace within its limits, that it is admittedto justly hold its territory; there are some strangefeatures involved in the expression, but it has a justfoundation and is at present generally accepted. Itis true, if Liberia is to be recognized as an independentnation, she must guard her borders, mustprevent her people from troubling their neighbors,must protect life and property within her area. Thereis a stipulation in the French treaty of 1907 in regardto this matter; if Liberia cannot maintain a frontierforce to protect her boundary, the French claim theright to place their own forces on Liberian territoryfor that purpose; the English, in their demandedreforms, insist upon an adequate and well trainedpolice force upon the frontier; the demands are notunjust and must be met. In fact, the frontier forceis one of the urgent and crying needs of Liberia.

While President Barclay was in London, he wasapproached by Capt. Mackay Cadell, who had servedin the South African War; Capt. Mackay Cadelldesired to be put in charge of the frontier forcewhich it was believed that Liberia would organize inresponse to the British demands; he was not actuallyengaged by the President, but put in his appearancein January, 1908, ready for business; his employmentwas opposed by many, but finally, largely in ordernot to offend British susceptibilities, he was engaged,given the rank of Major—some question has beenraised as to exactly how he came to carry the titlecaptain—and was authorized, with the help of twoBritish assistants, to organize the frontier force; hewas also given authority to employ ten or moresergeants and buglers from Sierra Leone; it wasnaturally assumed that the force in general would becomposed of Liberian natives. Major Mackay Cadellpromptly began active work; barracks were erectedupon the edge of Monrovia, and soon 250 men wereenrolled for service. Their uniforms, arms, andammunition were bought from Great Britain—so that[122]the whole enterprise was good for British trade; itis not clear, however, why the caps and other articleswere stamped with the crown and other emblems ofHis British Majesty’s service. Matters were goingnicely, but it began to be suspected that a considerablenumber of the new soldiers were British subjects,and it was asked whether some of them had notserved upon the Sierra Leone frontier force. Thesesuspicions and doubts led finally to a protest fromthe French Vice-Consul who claimed that the forcebeing organized was actually “a British army ofoccupation” which the Liberian Government waspermitting to be organized in Liberian territory; hedemanded that an equal number of French officersand of French subjects be added to the force. TheLiberian Government inquired of Major MackayCadell with reference to the matter; he denied thatthere were any British subjects on the force, anddepending on his answer, the Liberian Governmentdenied the fact to the French official. Meantime,Major Mackay Cadell was making himself variouslyuseful to the Monrovia city government; he undertookwithout compensation, the command of the citypolice force as chief of police; in place of the loyalKru police, he put in Mende soldiers from the barracks;he also performed the functions of street commissioner,tax collector, city treasurer, and otherduties until, finally, the citizens decided to dispensewith his free services; he declined, however, to resign,and presented a large bill as the condition uponwhich he would deliver up the city propertyentrusted to him. (We quote from Ellis.) OnOctober 27th Major Mackay Cadell was further questionedin regard to the composition of his force, anda report was demanded; it was then found that atleast 71 out of the little army of 250 were actuallyBritish subjects; more than this, no doubt many ofthe Mende at the post, who were classed as “Liberians”,really came from the portion of that triberesiding on the other side of the Sierra Leone boundary.[123]While this report was rendered, Major MackayCadell showed constant objection to supervision bythe President of the Republic and to any suggestionof control. The President and his Cabinet, aftermeeting and discussing the matter, agreed upon thedismissal of Major Mackay Cadell, but out of courtesygave him the opportunity of resigning his position.

The French Vice-Consul continued to insist on hisdemands; understanding that Capt. Wallis had givenhis consent to the appointment of French officers andsubjects, the President prepared to make suchappointments. Just at this juncture Capt. Wallisreturned from an absence, and at his own request,on November 13, had a meeting with the Presidentand the members of the Cabinet, at which he presentedto them what purported to be a communicationfrom the British Government. Some mystery seemsto be associated with this document, but it is understoodthat its effect was that, if Frenchmen wereappointed to the direction of the frontier force, andFrench subjects were enlisted in it, Great Britainwould unite with France to disrupt and divide theRepublic. In December the legislature demandedthat the services of Major Mackay Cadell should bedispensed with. He, however, hesitated to hand inhis resignation. The legislature ordered a completere-organization of the frontier force under a Liberianofficer, with only two British subjects to be employedin the whole organization—the two assistant officerswhom Major Mackay Cadell had employed. OnFebruary 1 the Major sent in his resignation. Actingon order of Consul-General Wallis, he turned overthe arms and ammunition in his charge to the ElderDempster Co., and announced the fact to the LiberianGovernment; at the same time Consul-General Wallisapplied for an official guard to protect the propertythus placed in private British hands: the Secretaryof State, F. E. R. Johnson, expressed hissurprise that a consul, without consultation with theproper Liberian authorities, should order property[124]belonging to Liberia (although payment had not yetbeen made for it) to be turned over into privatehands, and refused to accept the responsibility ofplacing a guard in charge. On February 11, 1909,Major Mackay Cadell sent a remarkable message toPresident Barclay, informing him that the nativesoldiers were in serious danger of mutiny on accountof arrears in payments; at the same time he sentmessages to the two houses of the legislature, requestingthat the men be permitted to appear before themand state their grievances; he said that, if some redresswere not given, the men could not be blamed forwhat might be done. Steps were at once taken forpublic defense; fortunately some 400 of the militiawere in Monrovia for quarterly drill. After someseventy soldiers from the barracks had appearedupon the public streets, parading, threatening andmenacing the seizure of the arms and ammunition, aforce was sent to demand the surrender of the camp;at the same time, notice of this was sent to Consul-GeneralWallis. Major Mackay Cadell refused tosurrender, making conditions which would involveseveral days’ delay; his immediate surrender, however,was demanded, and other militia forces weresent for. Notice of this new demand was sent toConsul-General Wallis with the request that he shouldorder British subjects out of the camp; this he did;Major Mackay Cadell decided to capitulate; the campwas occupied. At a court of inquiry held to investigatethe difficulty, the British sergeants said thatMajor Mackay Cadell himself had instigated themutiny; that he had selected a certain number of mento insult the President, to arrest him, and take himto camp. A curious fact in connection with this wholeextraordinary procedure is that, on the 4th of February,one week before the President of the Republicwas informed of the danger of imminent mutiny,notice of it had been cabled to Great Britain. It wasperhaps by accident that a British gunboat was in theharbor on the 10th, the day before the outbreak—the[125]name of this gunboat, by the way, quite appropriatelywas the Mutin. In closing the account of thisstrange incident, quotations may be made from theofficial report of the American Commission whichvisited Liberia shortly afterwards:

“But if Major Cadell got on very well with histroops, he got on very badly with the Liberianpeople and the Liberian Government. He was a manof indomitable energy, but guileless of tact. Hisactions on various occasions affronted the Liberianofficials. Through indifference to the law, or bydesign, he enlisted a considerable number of Britishsubjects among the troops, about one-fourth of hismen being natives of Sierra Leone. When called toaccount for it, he at first denied and afterwardsadmitted that some of the men might have been bornin Sierra Leone, but that he supposed them to beresidents of Liberia, and therefore, Liberians. Beingcalled upon to dismiss the British subjects, he neglectedto do so. About the beginning of the presentyear he began to complain that his men were not paid,and demanded further supplies from the Government,though he was very dilatory in presentingaccounts for the money already entrusted to him.The dissatisfaction with Major Cadell’s conduct inmatters of the camp led to the passage of a law bythe Liberian Legislature in January, 1909, re-organizingthe force and dismissing its commander. ThePresident, who had upheld Major Cadell, offered himan opportunity to resign, but on one pretext oranother, he delayed doing so, and when he sent inhis resignation, the Government could not accept ituntil his accounts had been adjusted. He remained,in the meantime, in charge of the command, and onFebruary 11, 1909, wrote a threatening letter to thePresident, in which he stated that, if the demands ofthe troops for the payment of money due them werenot met within twenty-four hours, he could not beresponsible for the maintenance of peace or for thesafety of the President. This remarkable letter naturally[126]created much excitement in Monrovia, but thesituation was handled with extreme adroitness by theLiberian Government which demanded that MajorCadell withdraw the British subjects composing hisforce, and that he turn over the camp to the Liberianauthorities who would deal with the Liberian subjects.This order was reluctantly obeyed on therecommendation of the British Consul-General, andit was then discovered that seventy-one of the enlistedmen were British subjects. Two or three weeksafterwards, after settling up his accounts, wherebyit was revealed that he had involved the Governmentin a considerable unauthorized debt, he sailed forEngland and was soon followed by his brotherofficers.”

Again:

“On February 4, the British in Monrovia cabledto the Foreign Office that the lives of foreign residentsin Liberia were in danger, and urged that agunboat be sent for their protection. ... OnFebruary 10 the British gunboat Mutin appeared andanchored off Monrovia. On February 11 and 12 Englandprecipitated the rupture of the Government. Butfor the prompt and judicious action of the LiberianExecutive, aided by the American Minister Resident,the following would presently have been the situation:A British gunboat in the harbor, a British officer incommand of the frontier force, and a large numberof British subjects among the enlisted men, a Britishofficial in charge of the Liberian customs, a Britishofficer in command of the Liberian gunboat Lark, aBritish regiment in the streets of Monrovia.”

The fine hand of Consul-General Wallis of course isevident throughout these events. How seriously hewas implicated is suggested in the following passagefrom the report of the Commission: “It is mostunfortunate that the Commission has been unable tosecure an account of these events from the principalBritish actors in them. When we reached Monrovia,Major Cadell had left Liberia. The British Consul-General[127]was away on leave of absence. We were themore disappointed in not meeting the latter, as, beforeour departure, we had been shown in the StateDepartment at Washington a despatch of the Ambassadorin London, stating that the British ForeignOffice there had instructed its representative in Monroviato give the American Commission the fullestinformation about Liberian affairs. The acting Consul-Generalhad no knowledge of the facts, and coveredhis obvious embarrassment, when asked toexplain some of them, by the plea that he had noinside information.”

It has been said that the British Governmentadmits that Consul-General Wallis went beyond hisauthority. It is, however, significant that he was notreduced in position; he left Liberia, of course—hisusefulness there having more than ended; but he wastransferred to Dakar, Senegal, the finest consularpost in all West Africa.

As for Major Mackay Cadell, he now poses asLiberia’s real and great friend; he has, however,changed his name, and is now known as Major R.Mackay-Mackay. He is associated with the CavallaRiver Co., Limited. This appears to be a strangemixture of a commercial, educational, and philanthropicalcharacter; always, however, primarilyexploitative. Before going to Liberia in connectionwith his duties with this company, Major R. Mackay-Mackaytraveled in the United States; arrived inLiberia, he gives the impression that the StateDepartment of the United States is behind his enterprise,and that Booker T. Washington is deeplyinterested in its success. He throws the responsibilityfor all the past upon those “higher up”; it seemsthat personally he always loved Liberia and was herfriend. When he passed through Monrovia on hisway down to the Cavalla, he simply showered adviceand benevolence along his path. An interview withhim was published in The Guide. He says: “Liberiacan not go on living on loans as in the past. Why[128]should she be dependent on gold from outside whenshe has a hundredfold within her own borders, at thevery door? Standing at the street corners, discussingpolitics, or waiting for dollar-bills to grow andfall from the trees around, will not advance the welfareof the Republic, nor attract the genuinesympathy and co-operation from the outside world.Work! work! work! that is what Liberia needs; andthere are those who are prepared to create the opportunity,provided all make up their minds to workas they should. Is manual labor considered a disgracein other countries? Why should it be inLiberia?”

Also: “I am here on a visit and to let Liberia knowthat she has more friends than she counts on; andthey will increase in proportion to her efforts to helpherself. I for my part will do all I can in my humbleway to preach ‘Liberia regenerated’ to all, and helpwhere I can without treading on ground other thanwithin my rights as a visitor and friend.” Mosttouching, however, is this: “Yes” (there are signsof awakening), “since my return I see the most wonderfulstrides made in many directions, and a keendesire in the citizens of the wider ideas to aid in theircountry’s advancement. May it continue. In everyseason is some victory won. Let us bury the pastwith all its errors, sadness, and regrets.”

It is sad indeed that humanity is not prone to burythe past; even such expressions of affection may bereceived unkindly. What could be more dreadful,when a man oozes philanthropy from every pore, thanto have such things said of him as the followingwhich appeared about that time in Green’s paper,The African League?

“Major R. Mackay-Mackay, whose name stinks inthe nostrils of all country-loving Liberians, becauseof his conduct when in command of our frontierforce, is back in Liberia again, this time at the headof a company whose procedure thus far has notinspired the strongest confidence. More is known of[129]this intimacy than the men themselves may think.The last steamer brought intelligence that an agentof Major Cadell’s company, the Cavalla River Co.,Limited, is now in Sierra Leone, with 630 natives ofthat colony who are to be brought to Cape Palmassoon to serve this company. It is very strange thatthis company finds it necessary to employ nativesfrom the colony of Sierra Leone, when in Liberia isthe largest market for unskilled laborers in WesternAfrica, supplying, as it does, most, if not all, of thatclass of labor employed in the various enterprises inBritish, French, and German African colonies. Wehope this is no new coup.”

The Frontier Force has continued in its development.The present plans involve the organizationof a battalion of 600 men under a major; each of thetwo companies of 300 soldiers will be under a captain;and each company will have three Liberian lieutenants;the three chief officers will be Americans loanedto the Liberian Government by the United States.The general duties of the force will be those of aconstabulary for the maintenance of law and orderthroughout the Republic and for the prevention andthe detection of crime; it will also be used as a customsguard in such numbers and at such places asmay be agreed upon by the Secretary of War and thegeneral receiver of customs. Its estimated cost forthe year 1913 was $86,159.60. The American officersarrived in the Republic in the spring of 1912. Theywere Major Ballard and Captains Brown and Newton.In entering upon their new duties of developingand organizing the Frontier Force, they had the greatadvantage of the advice and interest of Major CharlesYoung of the United States Army, who was in Monroviaas military attaché of our legation. We hadample opportunity of investigating this FrontierForce. It is composed for the most part of nativesfresh from the interior; two hundred of them passedthrough our hands for examination and measurement;they were fine fellows, well built and in good[130]physical condition; few of them understood English,and among them several languages were represented;they were proud of their position and anxious toimprove; they were easily led, particularly by officerswho treated them with kindness; we saw two partiesof these soldiers started off for service; they made agood appearance. While we were there—as is trueindeed much of the time—their payments werebehind, and they were expressing some dissatisfaction,but were easily controlled; there is, however,always a danger of mutiny when the Government isbehind in meeting its obligations to them; I quotefrom one who was in Monrovia October 10, 1911; hesays: “I heard quite an altercation in the street.Upon going out I saw about 120 men moving throughthe street in a disorderly mass toward the office ofthe Secretary of War. Upon arriving at the office,there was quite a demonstration and matters lookedserious. After a great deal of persuasion on thepart of the Secretary and the one officer from thecamp, the men moved away in the direction of CampJohnson. I was informed that the men were demandingtheir pay.” There is also great danger of theFrontier Force, when marching through the interior,looting and destroying the fields and villages throughwhich they pass; this is so much in the nature ofordinary native warfare that it must be particularlyguarded against; the Frontier Force, however, isnecessary, and it seems to be making a promisingdevelopment.

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Compare, you say, the present with the past. Where arethe schooners and cutters that were used to be built right herein Liberia, when nearly every responsible man had his own?Where are the tons of sugar that used to be shipped to foreignparts by our fathers, and the barrels of molasses, and the tonsof camwood? Where are the financial men of the country thatlooked upon the holding of public offices almost beneath them,who had to be begged to fill the offices? Where are those whowhen they (had) made their farms lived off the farms? Oh,where are the honest, upright and loyal government officials of1847? You answer for yourselves. Where are the greatLiberian merchants of Monrovia, Grand Bassa, Sinoe, and CapePalmas? Gone!—S. D. Ferguson, Jr.

TRADE DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSPORTATION.

Liberia’s very existence depends upon her developmentof trade. If the Liberians push forward inthis direction, her future may be assured. If, however,she neglects it, her neighbors, France and England,can not be expected to permit their opportunityto pass. The area of the Black Republic is far toorich by nature to be overlooked; if its legitimateowners fail to develop it, others will do so.

The past of Liberia was built on trade in wildproduce; its immediate prosperity must depend uponthe same source of wealth. For the moment the tradeof Liberia must be in such things as palm nuts,piassava, and rubber.

The oil palm has been the most important source ofwealth Liberia has. The tree produces great quantitiesof nuts, growing in large clusters, from whichan oil is easily extracted, which finds enormous usein soap- and candle-making. This oil is derived fromthe stringy, fleshy coating of the nut; the nuts arethrown into pits dug in the ground, where they areallowed to ferment for some time; the mass of fermented[132]nuts is then squeezed in a sort of press run byhand, and the oil is extracted. This is the primitive,native style of production. The oil may also beproduced by boiling and pounding the nuts and thenstone-boiling the mass in wooden troughs, the oilbeing skimmed off from the surface of the water. InLiberia palm oil is chiefly produced in the counties ofBassa and Sinoe. Liberian oil is not the best qualityon the market, as carelessness in preparation leavesconsiderable dirt and impurities in it; it has, however,brought good prices—up to £24.10.0 a ton.Inside the palm nut is a hard kernel which remainsafter the oil has been extracted; this kernel at firstwas wasted; to-day it is known to yield a finer oil thanthe pulp; the idea of exporting palm nut kernelsoriginated with a Liberian, and the first shipment wasmade in 1850; to-day there is a large demand forpalm kernels which sell at prices ranging from $60 to$68 per ton, the oil derived from them selling at $130to $133 per ton.

Second, certainly, in importance, among the rawproducts exported from Liberia is piassava; it is thefiber of a palm—raphia vinifera. Large use is madeof this extremely resistant fiber for brooms andbrushes for street sweeping and the like; its use, too,was suggested by a Liberian in 1889; it was firstexported in 1890 and for a time brought the astonishinglyhigh price of from $300 to $350 per ton; asthe fiber was easy to prepare and the trees wereplentiful, a rapid development took place; Liberiawas for a long time the only source of supply; carelessnessensued in the preparation of the fiber, thedemand lessened and the price dropped; it went downto £10 per ton; at present the price is somewhat betterand is stationary at £20. Sir Harry Johnston,from whom these details are borrowed, says that it isdifficult to judge the quality of raphia, that it shrinksin weight, and that trade in it is somewhat speculativeand uncertain; still, piassava fiber occupiesan important position in the Liberian trade to-day.

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Africa appears to be the continent which presentsthe greatest number of rubber-yielding plants; inLiberia the precious exudation is obtained from somesixteen different kinds of trees and vines, varying asto the quality and character of rubber yielded. Therubber of Liberia is not considered of the highestclass, but it is of good grade; the natives of theinterior are skilled in its collection; there is no doubtthat great quantities of wild rubber are still to beobtained within the limits of the Republic and experimentsin rubber-planting have already been madewith promise.

Sir Harry Johnston gives a long list of othernatural products which have been exported fromLiberia at one time or another in varying quantities.There was a time when camwood found a ready marketand formed perhaps the most important elementin Liberian trade—of course with the invention ofother dye-stuffs, the use of camwood, annatto, etc.,has practically ceased; the name “Grain Coast” or“Pepper Coast” was long given to this country onaccount of the malagueta pepper which was exportedin great quantities—this, too, has ceased to be aproduct of practical importance; kola nuts are tosome degree exported from Liberia, and with theever-increasing use of the kola in America and Europeancountries, trade along this line should develop;ivory has always been among the export products ofLiberia, though it has never had great significance;vegetable ivory nuts are produced here and to someextent form an article of trade—the demand for themin button-making is large and increasing, and exportationof them may reasonably be developed; hides andoil-yielding seeds complete the list of actual nativeexport products. Sir Harry Johnston calls attentionto the fact that the country is rich in ebony, mahogany,and other fine woods, in copal and other gums,in ground nuts, fruits, and minerals; these, however,have never been actual materials for export; all[134]are valuable, however, and trade in them might bedeveloped.

All of these raw products of natural productionare valuable, but that they shall form an element intrade depends upon the natives. These things allcome from the forests of the interior; if they are to betraded to the outside world, they must be collectedand transported by the people within whose territorythey are found; this dependence is an uncertainthing. The natives have few needs; in their littletowns they take life easily; they have no sentimentalinterest in the development of trade as such nor inthe upbuilding of the country; they care comparativelylittle for the returns of trade; they will workwhen necessary, but only as they please; when theyneed some money for buying wives, they will preparesome piassava fiber or dig a pit, ferment some nuts,and squeeze some oil. When they have enough forthe immediate and pressing necessity, work stops, andwith it the supply of oil or fiber or whatever theymay have seen fit to produce. More than this, thenative is little concerned about the quality of hisproduction. So long as he can sell it and raise theresources that he needs, he does not care whether theoil is clean, whether the piassava fiber is of good quality,or whether the rubber contains dirt and stones.Impurity, however, of products is a very serious matterto the outside world; a district which neglectsquality loses trade. Liberian oil, fiber, rubber, allare at a disadvantage at present through the carelessnessof the producers.

It must, then, be the policy of the Liberian Governmentto encourage, by every legitimate meanswithin its power, the increase of the production of thenatural resources. Nor is the simple question of productionthe whole difficulty. Transportation is quiteas important. The product, no matter how good orhow precious, has no value as long as it remains inthe bush. There are different methods of dealingwith this matter of getting the natural products down[135]to the coast settlements. The simplest and most naturalis to let the native bring it out—but the nativesare as little inclined to travel and carry as they areto produce; they will fetch down their product whenthey feel inclined—but the demand from without isconstant. Liberians may go into the bush to bringout the products; there are always little traders whodivide their time between the settlements and theinterior; they travel in, sit down for several days atnative towns, trade with the natives for whateverstuff they have on hand, then have it carried out;such traders are usually independent men of smallmeans who are trading on their own account. It isnot uncommon for the large trading-houses to hireagents,—Liberians or natives,—and send them intothe interior to buy up and bring down products.Another method—which, in the long run, will proveno doubt the most satisfactory,—is to establish hereand there in the interior permanent trading stations,supplied with a fair stock of goods, to be traded withthe natives against their raw products—trading stationsof this kind are already established by the MonroviaRubber Company and by various of the greattrading-houses.

In some way or other the Government should adopta method of encouraging the natives of the interiorto gather, to properly prepare, and to bring in rawproduce; a definite scheme of practical education andencouragement must be devised.

While raw products offered by nature have beenand are the chief element in Liberian trade, anotherelement is immediate, and will ultimately be the chiefdependence of the nation. Agriculture, though farfrom being in a satisfactory condition, has alwayscontributed material for export. The country cannot forever count upon a supply of raw products.Gradually the value of the forests will become secondaryto that of produce of the fields. There is noreason why the Liberian coffee should not be fullyre-established in the foreign market. The tree seems[136]to be a native of the country; Ashmun reported thatit was found everywhere near the seacoast and to anunknown distance back from there. Under naturalconditions, the tree grew often to a height of thirtyfeet and a girth of fifteen inches. Coffee berries fromwild trees were brought in by hundreds of bushels tothe early settlers by the natives. Plantations weresoon established, and many of them met with greatsuccess; in fact, coffee was once the principal exportof the Republic; it was mainly shipped from Monroviaand Cape Mount; the more important plantationswere located along the St. Paul’s River. Liberiancoffee was much appreciated in the Europeanmarket; at its period of greatest vogue it used tobring twenty-five cents a pound; the price has nowfallen so low as eight or nine cents a pound. Thisdecline is due, in part, of course, to the enormousdevelopment of the Brazilian coffee trade; it is, however,largely due to the carelessness of the Liberianplanters, who had only primitive machinery for itspreparation and who neglected proper care, with theresult that the coffee berries reached the marketbroken and impaired. It is a delicious coffee, of fullflavor, and improves with age. Sir Harry Johnstonclaims that about 1,500,000 pounds are annuallyproduced, and reports that the output is increasingslightly. At the Muhlenberg Mission School, coffee iscultivated; care is taken in its preparation, and theprice is rising; if the Liberians will give serious attentionto the matter, there is no question that the oldimportance of the culture may be restored. It willrequire improved methods of cultivation, the use ofbetter machinery, greater care in the preparation ofthe berry, and constant attention to proper packingand handling.

Discouraged at the fall in price of coffee, someLiberian planters introduced the culture of cacao,from which our chocolate and cocoa are derived; thisculture has long been successful in some of theSpanish possessions of West Africa; in Liberia the[137]plant grows well, and the cacao seems to be of superiorquality; it is said that a good price for it may bereceived in Liverpool. This culture must be consideredas only in its infancy, but there appears tobe no reason why it should not become of greatimportance.

The rubber so far sent out from Liberia has beenwild rubber; it would seem that a wise policy innational development would be to encourage theestablishment of plantations of rubber trees or vines.One such plantation has already been established byan English company, who hoped to gather the firstharvest of latex in 1912; one would suppose that thebest tree for planting would be the funtumia whichis native to the country and a good yielder; it is chieflythis plant which is being set out by the Belgians inthe Congo colony; the English company in Liberia,however, claims that their experiments with funtumiawere not encouraging, and the species actually plantedis the hevea—the one which yields the famous Pararubber. While coffee, cacao, and rubber will nodoubt be the earliest important plantations to bedeveloped in the country, other products should notbe neglected. Ginger has already been well testedin the Republic—there have been times when it wasquite an important article of export; sugar-canegrows well, and from the earliest days plantations ofit have yielded something for local consumption—ifcapital were available, there seems no reason whyprofitable plantations of cane might not be made; cassavahas always been to some degree an article ofexport in the past,—it is of course the main foodproduct of the natives—it is the source of tapioca andother food materials abundantly in use among ourselves.Liberia at present imports rice from abroad,yet rice of excellent quality is easily cultivated in theRepublic and forms a staple food in native towns—effortto increase its local production would be goodeconomy from every point of view; fruits of manykinds—both native and imported—grow to perfection[138]in Liberia; experiments have been made, withoutparticular results, in cotton raising—there are speciesof wild cotton in the country and experiments withboth wild and foreign grades would determine towhat degree culture of this useful fiber might beprofitably carried on. This list of cultivated vegetableproducts might be enormously extended; we areonly interested here in indicating those plants whichwould be important as trade products if their cultivationwere seriously undertaken. In the matter offruits, we may add a word; here is the suggestion ofa beginning of manufacturing interests in the country;some of these fruits are capable of profitablecanning or preservation, others might be dried, whilestill others yield materials which could be utilizedoutside; it would seem as if the natural beginning ofmanufacturing interests in the Republic would be inthe establishment of factories to deal with these fruitsand various derived vegetable materials.

It is to be anticipated that there will be a developmentin mining in Liberia; it is not an unmixedblessing to a country to possess mineral wealth; itmay be disadvantageous to a little country, of relativepolitical insignificance and actually weak, to possessgreat wealth of this sort. But there are certainlydeposits of gold and diamonds in the Republic; thesewill in time be known, and their development will beundertaken. When that time comes, ores and othermineral products will form an element in nationaltrade.

Closely associated with the matter of productionis the question of transportation. It is one of themost serious that faces Liberia.

If produce can not be taken to the coast, it is of novalue in the development of trade. There are practicallyno roads in Liberia to-day. As in the DarkContinent generally, narrow foot-trails go from townto town. The travel over them is always in single file,the path is but a few inches wide and has been sharplyworn into the soil to a depth of several inches by the[139]passage of many human feet. As long as transportationis entirely by human carriers, such trails areserviceable, provided they be kept open. A neglectedtrail, however, is soon overgrown and becomesextremely difficult to pass; that a trail should begood, it is necessary that the brushwood and othergrowth be cut out at fairly frequent intervals. Often,however, the chief of a given village does not care toremain in communication with his neighbors andintentionally permits the trail to fall into disuse.There is a feeling too, surviving from old customs,that trails are only passable with the permission andconsent of the chiefs of the towns through whichthey run; chiefs have always exercised the right ofclosing trails whenever it pleased them; they haveexpected presents (“dashes”) for the privilege ofpassing. If now, large trade is to be developed inthe matter of native produce, it is absolutely necessarythat the trails be kept in good condition and thatfree passage over them be granted to all. Much ofthe energy of the Government must of necessity bedirected toward these ends. At the best, however,there is a limit to the distance over which produce canbe profitably transported on human backs; there mustbe very large inherent value in such produce to warrantit* being carried more than a three days’ journeyby human carriers. It is not only the laborinvolved in the transportation, but the loss of timewhich renders this problem important. The richestresources lie at a great distance in the interior; evenwith good trails it is impossible to utilize them.

In time, of course, the foot-trails must be developedinto actual roads; some other mode of transportationmust be devised than that of the human beast ofburden. Horses have never prospered in the neighborhoodof Monrovia; yet there are plenty of themraised and, it is said, of good quality, among theMandingo. Serious efforts should be made to introducetheir use as beasts of draft and burden; if, asis likely, these experiments should come to naught,[140]attempts should be made to use oxen for haulingproduce to the market. Improved trails and roadsare of the highest importance to the Republic forseveral reasons. (a) For intercourse: only by meansof them can ready and constant intercourse be developedbetween the different elements of population;no great development of trade, no significant advance,can be made without constant intercourse; it must beeasy for the Government to reach and deal with theremotest natives of the far interior; it is equallyimportant that peoples of neighboring towns havemore frequent and intimate contact with each other;it is necessary that the members of different tribescome to know other tribes by daily contact. (b) Fortransportation; there is no reason why even theexisting trails should not be covered with caravanscarrying produce to the coast. (c) For protection; atpresent the movement of the Frontier Force fromplace to place is a matter of the highest difficulty; iftrouble on the border necessitates the sending of anarmed force, weeks must elapse before the enterprisecan be accomplished; until the present unsatisfactorycondition of trails be done away with, Liberia isin no position to protect her frontiers.

The construction by the English of the SierraLeone Railroad running from the port of Freetownacross the colony through the interior to the veryborder of Liberia, was a master stroke of policy; itnot only developed the resources of the British areathrough which it passed and carried British productsto the sea, but it tapped the richest part of theLiberian territory; formerly the production of thatwealthy and well populated area found its way to CapeMount and Monrovia; now it all goes out through aBritish port, in British hands. No single work wouldbetter repay an outlay by the Liberian Governmentthan a good road running from Monrovia up the St.Paul’s River, out to Boporo, and on through thecountry of the Mandingo to the region where thisBritish road ends. Such a road would bring back[141]into Liberia her part of a trade which has alwaysbeen legitimately her own. The idea would be to constructupon such a road-bed a light railroad; suchan enterprise would very probably soon be upon apaying basis.

With the exception of one or two short stretchesbuilt by foreign companies for their own uses, thereare neither roads nor railroads at the present time inthe Republic. In 1912 the legislature granted a concessionto the Cavalla River Company to make roadsalong the Cavalla River, to negotiate with the inhabitantsof those parts for the development of the riceindustry, etc. At the same session the right wasgranted to Wichers and Helm to negotiate a railroadscheme for the construction of a light railway fromWhite Plains to Careysburg, and from Millsburg toBoporo, the right was also granted to construct arailroad from Harper to Dimalu in Maryland County.It is to be hoped that these three enterprises may alldevelop; they would mean much for the progress ofthe country.

We have spoken of the exports of Liberia; theimports consist chiefly of cotton goods, hardware,tobacco, silks, crockery, guns, gun-powder, rice, stock-fish,herrings, and salt. Most of these items are thestaples which for centuries have maintained thetrade of Western Africa. The total value of thisimport trade is estimated by Sir Harry Johnston atabout $1,000,000 annually. It is curious that riceshould need to be imported; 150,000 bags, equal to700 tons are brought in every year; this rice is usedentirely by the civilized Liberians; certainly theyshould be raising their own rice or buying it fromnatives. That salt should be introduced into a coastdistrict where salt, by evaporation from seawatermight be easily produced, is less strange than wouldappear at first sight; the salt from Europe is, on thewhole, better in quality and is more cheaply producedthan the local article of Liberia. The stock-fish isbrought from Norway and is especially in demand[142]among the Kru. Intoxicating drinks do not occur inthe list above quoted; Sir Harry Johnston says thatgin and rum are introduced, but that there is notmuch drunkenness among the people. Measures aretaken to prevent the introduction of gin among thenatives, but a great deal must be surreptitiously introducedamong them; when we were in the Bassa country,our interpreter’s constant regret was that wehad not loaded up with a large supply of gin which,he assured us, would accomplish much more with thechiefs of the interior towns than any other form oftrade-stuff. The bulk of the cotton goods taken intoLiberia is intended for trade with the interior natives;the patterns brought vary but little and are extremelyold-fashioned—taste having been long ago establishedand the natives being conservative in suchthings.

As to the actual volume of trade and its movement,some words are necessary. Recent figures aresupplied in a little table issued by the Republic ina small pamphlet entitled Some Trade Facts; it coversthe period extending from 1905 to 1912. As willbe seen, during that period of time, the customs revenueof the Republic more than doubled. Part ofthis favorable result undoubtedly was due to thefact that the administration of the customs servicewas for that time largely in the hands of a BritishChief Inspector of Customs. There is no reason whythis encouraging movement of trade should not continue.There is wealth enough in Liberia, if it canonly be properly developed. The resources are enormous;the difficulties have been in handling them.The Republic has usually been in financial difficulties;it has been hard work to make ends meet;but there is no question that with good managementand legitimate encouragement the national incomemay be more than necessary to meet all obligations, topursue conservative policies of development, and toattract favorable assistance from the outside world.

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STATEMENT OF CUSTOMS REVENUE OF THE REPUBLIC
OF LIBERIA FOR YEARS 1905-1912
(1st April-31st March)

It is interesting to notice with whom Liberia’strade is carried on. Britain of course has always led;Germany comes second, Holland third, and othernations follow. Sir Harry Johnston says that in 1904the total value of British trade with Liberia was£112,779, while the total trade of the British Empirewith the Republic was £132,000; the £20,000 differencerepresent trade with Sierra Leone and the GoldCoast chiefly. On the whole it would seem that Germanyis crowding Britain and bids fair to lead. Alittle table will show this clearly; the first statementshows the amount of British imports, exports, andentire trade for the years 1904, 1908, and 1909 inpounds sterling; a second statement shows the correspondingitems for German trade for the years 1908and 1909 in marks; a third statement changes thetotals figures to dollars at the rate of five dollars tothe pound and four marks to a dollar, which of courseis only approximate. It shows, however, that Germanyis actually crowding her longer establishedrival.

(a) BRITISH TRADE WITH LIBERIA (Soler)

(b) GERMAN TRADE WITH LIBERIA (Soler)

(c) ENGLISH AND GERMAN TRADE (1908-1909)

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The Liberian nation is to be made up of the Negro civilized tosome extent in the United States and repatriated, and of theaboriginal tribes. At present it is composed of a small numberof civilized and a large number of aboriginal communities invarying degrees of dependence. The problem is how to blendthese into a national organism, an organic unity.—A. Barclay.

THE NATIVE.

Jore, in his valuable study of Liberia, discussesthe question of the actual number of natives inLiberia as follows: “Messrs. Johnston and Delafossehave estimated the number of natives of Liberia at2,000,000 persons. This figure would appear to-dayto be above the actual. In fact, from serious studieswhich have been made in French West Africa, itresults that a density of population superior to twelveinhabitants to the square kilometer, has been foundonly in Lower Dahomey, Ovagadougou, in UpperSenegal and Niger, in Lower Senegal, and in a veryrestricted part of Middle Guinea. Generally the densityremains inferior to five inhabitants to the squarekilometer. But there is no reason to believe thatLiberia is, in its entirety, more populous than ourown possessions in West Africa. In taking the densityat the figure 8, one runs the chance of still findinghimself above the reality. Liberia, having to-day80,000 square kilometers, its population ought scarcelyto surpass 600,000 or 700,000 inhabitants. In anycase, it certainly does not go beyond 1,000,000 persons.”This estimate seems to us far more reasonablethan any other that has been made. Even thusreduced, the native population overwhelmingly outnumbersthe Americo-Liberian. More than that, theyare at home and acclimated; they enjoy good healthand presumably are rapidly increasing. We have[145]indeed no means of actually knowing such to be thefact. But the impression gained from observationis that, while the Americo-Liberians barely hold theirown, the Kru, the Mohammedans, and the natives ofthe interior are flourishing. Even in crowded andunsanitary towns, like those which occur upon theborders of Liberian settlements, the Kru appear to beincreasing. Krutown, at Monrovia, suffers fromfrightful mortality, but those who live are vigorous,hardy, and energetic. The houses are crowded closetogether, but there are no empty houses falling intoruins and no shrinkage in the area occupied. Theschools (that is, the mission schools of the Methodists)are crowded with children; the Kru mission chapel(Protestant Episcopal) is maintained with an energyand interest which could be found only among apeople who were looking out upon life with the hopeand vigor which comes from physical prosperity. Sofar as the natives of the interior are concerned, theyshow every sign of increase. There are of courseabandoned towns and villages in plenty, but the townsnow occupied are filled with people, and childrenswarm.

But there are natives and natives. The differentnatives form distinct problems—it is not just onesimple proposition. The Mandingo and Vai are Mohammedanpopulations; they are independent, proud,aggressive; they are industrious, and their industriesrender them to a large degree independent of allneighbors. Their towns and villages are large, prosperous,and relatively wealthy. Few visitors haveever penetrated into their country; it is practicallyunknown to the Liberians. Yet it is in the highestdegree important that the Liberians should knowthem thoroughly, should come into close and intimatecontact with them, should co-operate with them inthe development and advancement of the country. Intheir towns and villages boys are taught Arabic andread the Koran; it is true—as in so much religiousteaching elsewhere—that they often learn only to[146]repeat the words of the sacred texts without anyknowledge of their actual meaning—many, however,read with understanding. It is an interesting factthat the Vai have a system of writing which has beeninvented by themselves; it is widely known amongthem and they are fond of writing letters and makingrecords in their own script. Momulu Massaquoi,whose name is well known in this country and in England,is a Vai; he governed a considerable section ofhis people as chief through a period of years; he hasnow for some time been located at Monrovia, wherehe ably fills the position of chief clerk in the Departmentof the Interior; he is useful to the Governmentas an intermediary between it and the Mohammedansof the Republic; although himself a Christian, bothMandingo and Vai have more confidence in him thanthey could possibly repose in a stranger to their customsand languages. There are various ways in whichthe Government might proceed to develop friendlyrelations with these people. They should encouragevillage schools—both religious and secular; in thereligious schools, which should be uncontrolled, theKoran and Arabic would continue to be the chief subjectstaught; in the other schools there should bethe usual subjects taught in the public schools of theAmerico-Liberians; these will best be taught throughthe Vai language, and charts and text-books shouldbe printed in the native characters. Mr. Massaquoi hasalready undertaken to prepare such text-books. Tradewith these peoples should be encouraged; and developedas rapidly as possible. No opportunity shouldbe lost to impress upon them that their interests andthose of the Liberians are one, and every effort shouldbe made to gain co-operation. These peoples occupythat portion of the Republic which is most in dangerof aggression by the British; surely the naturalimpulse is for these black peoples, though they beMohammedans, to unite in common progress withother blacks rather than with any whites. If religionis actually a barrier against friendship and co-operation,[147]it would be as strong against friendship withthe British Christians as against Liberian Christians.There is no question, however, that if the Governmentof the Republic will deal justly, amicably, and wiselywith these tribes, they will heartily respond.

The Kru and related peoples of the coast form acompletely different proposition. They are full offorce and vigor; Sir Harry Johnston and others callthem “cheeky”; they are actually awake. They areready for progress; they want education; they havefor centuries been in contact with white men andknow their strength and weakness; they are strong,intelligent, industrious, and want work. They haveno dainty fears regarding labor, so that it be paid—butpay they want, and justly. At the present theyform the strongest immediate hope in the Liberianpopulation. We have said that they want education;as a matter of fact, they flock into the schools. WhenBishop Ferguson was at Cape Palmas, in 1912, fourpromising-looking native boys walked from PickaninnyCess, fifty miles to Cape Palmas. They toldhim they had heard of the big school (EpiphanyHall) and desired to attend; that another of theircomrades was coming the following week. The Bishopsays: “They are just the age when the inducementto go down the coast to earn money is strong; in factthey had already made several trips; but instead ofgoing again, they had decided ‘to learn book’. I didnot have the heart to turn such applicants off, and sowrote to the Principal to admit them under specialarrangement.” When in Monrovia, I several timesvisited the College of West Africa. It is over-crowdedand ministers to both Americo-Liberian and nativeboys. On one occasion I seated myself in the midst ofthe class in fourth grade arithmetic. The recitationwas well conducted and well given. While black-boardwork was occupying the general attention, Iremarked to a boy at my side, “But you are a nativeboy.” “Yes,” he said, “I am Kru—and so is thatboy, and that one, and that one.” As a matter of[148]fact, I was practically surrounded by them. “Well,”said I, “and how do you native boys get on? Doyou do well?” “Yes, sir,” was the immediateresponse, “we do well; we do better than they do.”It was not necessary for me to ask who he meant by“they.” I answered, “It would sound better ifsome one else said so.” He replied, “That may beso; but it is true.” “How does that happen?” Iasked. His reply deserves attention: “We love ourcountry more than they do, sir.” I am not preparedto assert that they love their country morethan the Americo-Liberians; it is true, however, thatthey are passionately fond of their native land. Thefirst time that my personal attention was turned tothe black Republic was in 1905 when a Kru boy uponour steamer bound to Congo told me with evidentaffection of his dear, his native land, and pointed outto me the distant green shore of the villages wherehis people were located. And whether they lovetheir country more than the Americo-Liberians orno, they are more aggressive, more ambitious, morewilling to work that they may achieve their ends.These Kru boys on their way to and from schooloften, after my visit to the College, dropped in tosee me. There is the fixed intention among many ofthem to visit the United States and complete theirstudies in our schools. One of these boys informedme that five of them some months ago had enteredinto an agreement in some way or other to reachour country. All of them have made journeys onsteamers along the coast; some of them have beento Europe; all of them can easily reach Hamburgand have money in their pockets; the anxious questionwith them all is how to go from Hamburg toNew York—and whether they will be admitted inthe port—and whether they can form connectionsafter they are in our country. There is no foolishnessin all these plans; they have thought them outin detail: they will come.

Then there are the pagan tribes of the interior.[149]They are a more serious proposition for the Liberianthan the Mohammedans and Kru. They are still“bush nigg*rs”; they live in little towns underthe control of petty chiefs; most of them speak onlya native language; there is no unity among them;not only are there jealousies between the tribes, butthere are suspicions between the villages of one tribeand speech; they live in native houses, wear littleclothing, have simple needs; they are ununited andknow nothing of the outside world—they know littleof France or England, have rarely seen a white man,scarcely know what the Liberian Government meansor wants; they are satisfied and only wish to be leftalone; they do not need to work steadily—life iseasy, they raise sufficient rice and sweet-potatoes andcorn and cassava to feed themselves; if they wishto cover their nakedness, they can weave cloth fortheir own use; there is little which they need fromother peoples. Few know anything either of theteachings of the Prophet or Christianity; they practicefetish—“devil-worship”—have their bush schoolsfor the instruction of their boys and girls in themysteries of life and of religion. They are polygamists,the number of whose wives depends whollyupon the ability to accumulate sufficient wealth withwhich to purchase them. Among them domesticslavery—which, by the way, is not a matter whichneed particularly call for reprehension—is common;some of the tribes no doubt still practice cannibalism;it is these tribes in the interior upon which Liberiadepends almost completely for the development ofwealth; if Liberia shall flourish, it is necessary thatthese peoples shall produce and deliver the raw materialsfor shipment to the outside world; it is thesepeoples who must supply palm nuts, palm kernels,palm oil, piassava fiber, ivory, rubber, gums; it isthese peoples who must keep the trails open, anddevelop them into roads; it is they who must permitthe easy passage of soldiers and Government representatives[150]through their territories; it is they whomust supply the soldiers for the Frontier Force.

It is clear, then, that the “natives” present nosimple problem. There are many questions to be consideredin laying out a native policy. The matterhas by no means been neglected by Liberian rulers;one or another of them has grappled with it. OfPresident Barclay’s native policy Gerard says:“Among many other subjects of preoccupation, Barclayattaches an entirely particular importance tothe native policy. At the beginning of his administration,he brought together a great number ofnative chiefs, notably of the Gola, Kondo, and Pessytribes; he convoked likewise a crowd of Kru andGrebo notabilities; he sent special missions alongthe Cavalla River up to two hundred kilometersfrom its mouth, and others up the St. Paul’s. Thisinnovation was so much the more appreciated bythe natives, and aided so much more powerfullytoward the development of mercantile relations ofthe coast district with the interior, because theretoforethe repatriated negroes had been considered bytheir subjugated congeners only as unjust conquerorsand pillagers, or as merchants who were equallytricky and dishonest.”

President Howard also realizes the importance ofconciliating the native populations; he designs tocarry out an active policy; in his inaugural addresshe says: “We are aware of the oft-repeated chargesof ill treatment toward this portion of our citizenship,made by foreigners against the officers of theGovernment, also of the fact that some of our peoplefeel that these uncivilized citizens have but fewrights which should be respected or accorded to them.But the responsible citizens recognize that in orderfor us to obtain that position of independence, power,and wealth, which we should obtain, it must be accomplishedby the united efforts of all citizens,civilized and uncivilized, male and female. The denialof equal rights to the ‘natives’ has never been[151]the intention or purpose of the Government. We willnot disallow that much wrong has been done to thatportion of our citizen body, but it is equally truethat much of the deception and misunderstanding ofthe past have been due to machinations and subterfugesof some unscrupulous aliens, among whom hadbeen some missionaries who have done all in theirpower to make and widen the breach between thetwo elements of our citizenship. We are very optimistic,however, in our belief that the dangers ofsuch exploitations and false pretensions of friendshipsare drawing to a close.”

Again he says: “Much of our interior trouble ofthe past has been the result of a lack of properunderstanding between ourselves and our fellow-citizensof that section of the land. Another sourceof trouble has been the actions of unqualified mensent among these people to represent the Government.We believe that great good will accrue to the Stateby holding frequent conferences with these chiefs andhead men, and by responsible representatives of theGovernment, explaining to them its policy, the benefitsto be derived by them in co-operating to buildup the country, as well as the evils of the inter-tribalwars which they have been waging with each otherfor years.”

Exactly how to unite the chiefs with the Governmentis a serious question; to seriously weaken theirauthority among their own people would lead tochaos; to lead them to recognize the supremacy ofthe Government and yet not arouse their hostility bythe abrogation of their own powers is a delicate task.Yet it must be done. Of one of the notable featuresof this inaugural President Howard himself says thefollowing: “The very large concourse of chiefs andhead men from the interior of all the counties, aswell as from the Kru coast and most of the Grebotowns in Maryland, who are up to take part in theinaugural exercises, is to me one of the most pleasingfeatures of the occasion. Their presence here testifies[152]to their loyalty to the State and their willingnessto co-operate with the Government in matters pertainingto the welfare of the country. Moreover itbetokens the kindly feelings they and their peopleentertain toward the outgoing, and their well wishesfor the incoming administration.”

No less difficult than the question of how to adjustthe power of the Government with the power of thechiefs is the problem of how to adjust Liberian lawand practice to native law and practice. Accordingto their constitution, Liberia must forever be withoutslavery. Still domestic slavery flourishes in theinterior. We have already indicated our opinion thatit is not a serious matter and that it may quite wellbe left to regulate itself with time; still there isbound to be an outcry on the part of outsiders in thismatter. Liberia as a civilized and Christian nationis legally monogamous; yet both among Mohammedans,Kru and pagan interior tribes polygamy iscommon. Is it wise, is it possible to extend themonogamous law of the Republic to the polygamousnatives? Cannibalism no doubt still exists amongcertain of the interior tribes; if so, it will be longbefore the strong arm of the Government locatedupon the coast can reach the practice. Among allthese native tribes there are methods of procedureand ordeals which have their value and their place.Thus the sassy-wood ordeal is used not only in dealingwith witchcraft, but with a thousand other difficultiesand misdemeanors; personally I shouldconsider it unwise to attempt to do away with suchnative methods of control; they work more certainlythan the legal procedure of the civilized governmentcan work. A wise policy will probably lead to thegradual disappearance of these things with a generaladvance in education and with a greater contactwith the outside world. There is always, however,the danger of these native practices extending theirinfluence upon the Christian populations in the outsidesettlements. If the bush negro is polygamous,[153]and the Americo-Liberian is in constant contact withhis polygamy, the legal monogamy of the Governmentmay become more difficult to maintain; if the sassy-woodordeal is repeatedly seen to be effective in theconviction of the truly guilty, there will be a constanttendency to reproduce it for the detection anddiscrimination of criminals among the civilized; ifdomestic slavery is tolerable among the neighboringpagans, a feeling of the harmlessness of some vicioussystem of apprenticeship may be developed. Theseare real dangers, and while it probably is wise toexercise a deal of tolerance toward native customs,it must be constantly and carefully watched fromthis point of view.

The native life is certainly good in many ways;all that is actually good in it should be left so faras possible. Native houses are well adapted to theconditions of the country and nothing is gained bythe attempt to change the styles of local architecture;scantness of clothing, or even nakedness, is not immoral,suggestive, or in itself worthy of blame—andnative dress, though scanty, may be entirely becomingand even beautiful; there are many native arts—which,far from being blotted out, might well beconserved and developed; public palavers in nativecommunities are often models of dignified conductand serious consideration; the respect shown to nativechiefs is often warranted and in every wayshould be encouraged and developed. The topiclends itself to many observations and tempts to fulldevelopment. We can only say, however, that thereare actually few things in native life which deservecondemnation and immediate destruction. The nativeswill be happier, better, and make more certainprogress if they are permitted to build largely upontheir own foundations. Dr. Blyden was always beggingthe people to make an African nation in Liberia,not the copy of a European state. Delafosse carriesthe same plea to an even greater extreme. It is impossibleto actually meet the wishes of these gentlemen.[154]Liberia is and must be patterned after other civilizednations. Such a native African state, original inall things, and purely African, as Delafosseimagines, would not be permitted to exist a singleweek by the crowding, selfish, civilized and Christianforeign nations. If Liberia is to play withinthe game, it must follow the rules of play.

In dealing with its natives, the government shouldbe frank, honest, and candid; it should make nopromises unless it knows that it can keep them—unlessit means to keep them—unless it will keep them.Too many times in the past, when misunderstandingshave led to armed resistance on the part of nativepeoples, the Government has appealed to one or anotherman of great personal influence among thearoused natives. Facing danger, frightened, wantingpeace at any price, it has authorized its representativeto make promises of satisfaction which itknew perfectly well could not and would not be kept.Such a temporizing policy is always bad; it not onlyfails to right wrongs, but destroys the trust of nativesin the government, and shatters the influence forgood which the intermediary formerly enjoyed.

It is time that, in dealing with the natives, chiefsbe considered as men and dealt with not as if theywere spoiled children; appeals should be made tomanhood and to principle, not to depraved ambitioustendencies. Less gin and more cloth should be usedin gaining their assistance. President Howard pertinentlysays in this direction: “By way of encouragingthe ‘natives’ to stay at home and develop theirlands, we feel that instead of granting ‘stipends’and ‘dashes’ as formerly, they should be given onlyto the chiefs and people who will put on the marketso many hundred bushels of kernels, or gallons ofoil, so many pounds of ivory, rubber, coffee, cocoa,ginger, etc., or so many hundred kroos of clean rice.The proceeds of these products, of course, would goto the owners. We feel that this plan would have abetter result than the one now in vogue.”

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That there should be a feeling of caste in theRepublic is natural. There are actual differencesbetween the four populations which we have indicated.It is impossible that Americo-Liberians, Mohammedans,coast peoples, and interior natives should notfeel that they are different from each other, and inthis difference find motives of conduct. This feelingof difference is based upon actual inherent facts ofdifference, and can not be expected to disappear. Itshould, however, give rise to mutual respect, not toprejudice and inequality of treatment. Every motiveof sound policy must lead the Liberian in the civilizedsettlements to recognize the claims, the rights,the opportunities which lie within this difference. Heneeds the friendship of the “bush nigg*r” far morethan that pagan needs his. Caste in the sense ofproud discrimination of social difference and the introductionof over-bearing treatment must be avoided.It is suicide to encourage and permit the developmentof such a feeling.

In the nature of things, constant intermarriagetakes place between the Americo-Liberians and thenatives. There is more or less prejudice against suchconnections, but they have taken place ever since thedays of the first settlement. They are, for the mostpart, one-sided, Americo-Liberian men marryingnative women. The other relation, namely that ofnative men with Liberian women, is so rare that itmay almost be said not to occur. There is no questionthat these mixtures should tend to produce agood result, the children inheriting physical strengthand fitness to their surroundings beyond that of theAmerico-Liberian. There is, however, a danger insuch unions; the native woman has all her associationsand connections with her own people, and thereis a constant tendency for the husband to assume aposition of influence among the natives, adoptingmore or less of their customs, and suffering the relapseof which we hear so often. None the less it is[156]certain that such mixtures are more than likely toincrease in number with the passage of time.

A notable influence upon the native problem maybe expected from the Frontier Force. The soldiersfor this force are regularly drawn from the tribesof the interior. It is easy to get Boozi Mpesse,and their neighbors in large numbers. They cometo Monrovia as almost naked savages, with no knowledgeof the outside world, but with strong, well-developedbodies; they are quite amenable to trainingand quickly make improvement; they have almostthe minds of children, and are easily led in eitherdirection; if well treated, they have a real affectionfor their officers; if they are badly treated, they aremorose, dispirited, and dangerous. They love thecompanionship, the bustle, the music, and the uniforms,and rather quickly submit themselves withfair grace to discipline. They regularly bring theirwomen and their boy slaves with them from theirdistant homes, and these live together in specialhouses constructed at the border of the barracks-grounds.As the government not infrequently is inarrears in paying them their wages, there are timeswhen the camp is full of insubordination and badfeeling; at such times there is always danger, unlessthe officers are tactful, of their becoming mutinous,and demanding payment with a show and threat offorce. It is not impossible that some time on suchoccasions serious results may occur. When the termof enlistment has ended, these soldiers may go backto their towns and villages, carrying with them theeffect of the influences, good or bad, to which theyhave been subjected at the capital. Not a few of them,however, re-enlist for a second, or even a third, termof service. The effect of this training must be verygreat upon the tribes. It could be made a most importantinfluence for raising the condition of thewhole interior; there is no more certain way bywhich the people of the remoter tribes may come toknow about the Government.

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We have read dreadful accounts of the relapse ofcivilized natives to their old form of life. Brightboys taken from the interior towns and villages aretrained in mission schools, or even sent to the UnitedStates, and given a fairly liberal education. Theyhave become nominal Christians; they have learnedEnglish and can read and write; they wear whitemen’s dress and seem to have adopted white men’sways; much is expected of them when they returnto their native country in the way of mission effortwith their people. After they return, all changes;their Christianity takes flight; having no one buttheir own people with whom to converse, they returnto the native dialect; as the European dress wearsout, they soon possess a nondescript wardrobe; insteadof leading their people in the ways of industry,they sit down at ease; gradually they resume naturalrelations with their people and play the part of advisersto the chiefs, or even themselves become pettychiefs; of them it is frequently claimed that theyhave all the vices of Christian and pagan and noneof the virtues of either. There is more or less ofreality in such accounts. But it is not true, even inthese cases, that nothing has been gained. One mustnot expect rare individuals to produce rapid resultsin a great mass of population. It is doubtful whetherthe result is harmful. The importance, however, ofimpressing upon all children, who are taken intomission schools, their relation to the government,their duty to it, and the advantage of co-operationwith it, should be profoundly emphasized; in suchschools loyalty is as important a subject for inculcationas religion, reading, and industry. If as muchcare were taken to instruct the mission child in hisduties as a citizen, as is taken in other directions,every one of these persons on their return to the bushwould be a genuinely helpful and elevating influence.It is also true that Americo-Liberians occasionallytake to the bush. Sometimes they are personswho have had difficulties in the settlements and find[158]it convenient to change location; sometimes they aremen who have married native women and find iteasier and more profitable to turn their attentiontoward the natives; sometimes they are traders whospend about one-half their time in settlements andthe other half in going from town to town to secureproducts; sometimes they are shiftless vagabondsmerely drifting from place to place in order to avoidlabor. Such Liberians among the natives may befound everywhere. They are usually of little valueto those among whom they live. But the fact thatthere are such should not be over-emphasized. It isby no means true that the Americo-Liberians as awhole tend to throw off civilization and to becomedegenerate.

From this native mass much that has been helpfulto the nation has already been secured. Work amongthem has always been accompanied by encouragingresults. Two-thirds of the communicants of theProtestant Episcopal Church are natives; they showas true a character, as keen a mind, as high ideals,often more vigor, than the Americo-Liberians in thesame churches. Wherever the native is given thesame just chance as his Liberian brother, he givesan immediate response. At the Girls’ School inBromley, and among the boys at Clay-Ashland, nativesand Liberians do the same work and offer thesame promise; so in the College of West Africathe Kru boys are every whit as good as the Liberians.The number of natives who are at present occupyingpositions of consequence in the Republic is encouraging.The Secretary of the Department of Education,Dr. Payne, is a Bassa; Mr. Massaquoi, a Vai,holds the chief clerkship in the Department of theInterior; Senator Harris is the son of a native,Bassa, mother; Mr. Karnga, member of the Houseof Representatives, is a son of a recaptured African—aKongo; Dr. Anthony, a Bassa, is Professor ofMathematics in Liberia College; there are numbersof Grebo clergymen of prominence and success within[159]the Protestant Episcopal Church—as McKrae, whois pastor of the flourishing Kru Chapel at Monrovia,and Russell, who is pastor of the Liberian Church atGrand Bassa.

The natives, after all, are the chief asset of thenation. Only by their co-operation can aggressionand pressure from outside be resisted; carefully developedand wisely utilized, they must and will bethe defense and strength of the Liberian nation.Even if immigration on an enormous scale, a thingnot to be expected, should take place, the native populationwill never be submerged; it will continue tomaintain supremacy in numbers.

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For support given to education, Liberia holds the first placeamong West African administrations. Sierra Leone, with arevenue six times greater than Liberia, spends only one-fifthof the sum devoted by our State to the cause of public instruction.—A.Barclay.

EDUCATION.

The importance of education was recognized bythe “fathers.” The quotation of President Robertswhich we have given above voiced the feelings of themore thoughtful of the settlers. Yet it must be admittedthat the educational situation is far from perfect.There is a recently established Department ofEducation, the Secretary of which holds a Cabinetposition. In 1912 Dr. Payne had under his directionninety-one public schools in different parts ofthe Republic. Most of these schools were housed inbuildings totally unsuited to their purpose; theywere small, badly built, and unsupplied with eventhe barest equipment. There are no book-stores inLiberia, and there is a notable lack of suitable text-booksfor the children’s use; there are few black-boardsand those of poor quality; the desks, seats,and other furniture are conspicuous either for theirabsence or poor quality. Teachers are frequentlybadly prepared; they not infrequently neglect theirduties; the number of days of teaching is uncertain—asoften the teachers will be occupied with otherwork than that to which they are supposed to devotetheir time and attention. Salaries are very low andbadly paid. Mr. Deputie, once Superintendent ofEducation, in his report of 1905, appealing to thelegislature, said: “Lend a hand by your official actsthat will tend to ameliorate the condition of theteachers in the public schools, that they may receive[161]a just recompense of reward. Some of these teachers,after serving faithfully during the quarter, receiveonly ten shillings on their bills, while many othersof them receive not a shilling.” In 1910 Mr. EdwinBarclay was General Superintendent of the Schools.He made a careful study of the situation and in hisreport presents interesting statistics and facts withreference to the condition. He made a series ofthoughtful recommendations for the future, anddrew up an entire scheme of proposed legislation.Much of that which he suggested has been approvedand theoretically put in practice. In regard to thematter of teachers’ salaries, he makes an interestingstatement in tabulated form, comparing the averagesalaries of teachers with those of clerks in the departmentof the Government and in mercantile establishments.He shows us that the average salary ofpublic school teachers at that time was $143.95 peryear; that this salary was stationary and withoutincrement of any kind. At that same time, clerks ingovernment departments received an average salaryof $321.29 per year with definite chance of promotionand a career before them. Clerks in mercantile establishmentsdid even better, receiving an averageannual salary of $365.90 a year with contingent incrementannually of from twenty to fifty per cent onnet profits. It is hardly strange under the circ*mstancesthat good teachers are rare and that promisingyoung men should look to other fields than thatof teaching. Three grades of teachers are recognizedin the public schools; all teachers are required topass an examination and receive certificates; secondgrade teachers receive thirty dollars per year morethan third grade teachers, and teachers of first grade,thirty dollars more than those of second grade. Publicschools are subject to the inspection of a localschool committee which “consists of three good,honest, substantial citizens of the locality, having aninterest in education. Sex ought not to be a barrier.They need not be highly educated, but should be able[162]to read and write intelligently and earnest friendsof education.” Membership in the committee ispurely honorary, no fee accompanying the appointment.The members of the committee are to take anannual census of children of school age and to seethat they attend school; they are to keep tab on theteacher and report him if he be guilty of immoralconduct or fails to advance his school. Each countyhas a school Commissioner whose business it is toexamine candidates for teaching, to employ anddirect teachers, to approve bills of salary, to visiteach school in his district without announcement atleast once a quarter, to remove and replace teachers,to make reports to the General Superintendent, tosupply text-books, and hold annual teachers’ meetingsin order to develop greater ability on the partof the instructors. Compulsory education is recognizedin the Republic; as, however, many youngpeople are obliged to assist in the support of thefamilies to which they belong, night schools are providedfor those who may be working during the hoursof the day. The public schools are practically confinedto the Americo-Liberian settlements. The latestdefinite statistics in regard to the number of childrenin attendance on the public schools are those of1910. At that time 1782 children were in the schools;of these 1225 were civilized, 557 uncivilized, i. e.,native; the distribution according to counties was asfollows: In Grand Bassa County, 407; in MarylandCounty, 148; in Montserrado County, 947; in SinoeCounty, 280. The instillation of patriotism into theyoung mind is regarded as a matter of importance,and it is required that the flag of the Republic shallbe daily displayed at every school-house or placewhere public school is held; and “the hoisting andstriking of colors at the daily opening and close ofschool session shall be attended with such ceremoniesas shall tend to instill into the minds of the pupilsa respect and veneration for the flag and a knowledgeof the principle for which it stands.”

[163]

The public schools, however, are probably lessnumerous, and certainly reach fewer scholars thanthe various mission schools conducted by the differentdenominations. At the time that Mr. Barclaymade his report he claimed but sixty-five publicschools to ninety mission schools. While the publicschools reached 1782 children, the mission schools hadan attendance of 3270 children.

These mission schools very largely reach a nativepopulation; it is true that some Liberians attendthem, but the larger number in the attendance isfrom native families; all the schools located in nativetowns are, probably, under mission guidance.In some respects these schools are distinctly superiorto the public schools of the Republic. Their teachers,with higher salaries, devote themselves with moreenergy to their work; text-books are supplied andthe equipment for school work is better; the buildings,too, both in construction, lighting, and adaptationto their work, are better. A glance at the tableshows that the Protestant Episcopal Church is inthe lead. The work reported by Bishop Ferguson inhis last annual report is most encouraging. Twoschools at Cape Mount, one for boys and one forgirls, care for both boarding and day students; atMonrovia the parish school is attended by 157 Kruchildren; the Girls’ School at Bromley, with 78boarding pupils, is flourishing; at Clay-Ashland thenew Alexander Crummell Hall was nearing completion,and the young men and boys there were full ofenthusiasm; in Grand Bassa County parish dayschools were conducted at Edina, Upper Buchanan,and Lower Buchanan; at Tobakoni work for Kru[164]boys was conducted at a boarding school which hadrecently extended its work to the neighboring villageof Nito; in Sinoe County both a parish day schooland a boarding school were maintained; in MarylandCounty, where the work of this mission culminates,there is Cuttington Collegiate and Divinity Schoolwith 121 pupils, the Orphan Asylum and Girls’School, St. Mark’s Parish School, the boarding schoolat Mount Vaughn, and thirteen boarding and dayschools at other places. We have no adequate informationregarding the excellent work of the Methodistschools and those of other denominations. Theirwork is, however, actively conducted. The Lutherans,from their centre at Muhlenburg, make the centralidea of their mission effort the educational work;they emphasize, too, the manual phase of educationand encourage the development of arts, industries,and agriculture.

Two of the mission schools demand special mention,as they represent the highest development ofeducational work in the Republic. These are:Epiphany Hall, Cuttington, four and a half milesfrom Cape Palmas, and the College of West Africa,located at Monrovia.

The work at Cuttington began in 1889, when theCuttington Collegiate and Divinity School wasfounded under the auspices of the Protestant EpiscopalChurch. One of the basic principles in Marylandsince its foundation has been the developmentof agriculture. The efforts of the founders of thecolony were exerted against trade and in favor ofproduction. This desirable ideal has never been lost.At Epiphany Hall an important part of the school’splan is that students should be taught to work: acoffee plantation and a farm are connected with theschool, and four hours a day of practical agricultureand horticulture are required; connected with thisschool also is a printing establishment at Harper, thework of which is done by students of the school. Sofar as the literary work is concerned, the school is[165]divided into three departments—preparatory, higher,and theological. The work in the preparatory schoolcovers four years; it is primarily arranged with nativeneeds in mind, but other students are admitted.The work of the higher school consists of a two years’advanced course, two years of collegiate work, a year’scourse for a certificate of proficiency in general education,and a normal course. The work of the theologicalschool covers three years, and is arranged withreference to preparation for the ministry.

The College of West Africa is located at Monrovia,and is under the direction of the Methodist EpiscopalChurch. The building is an ugly structure of brickwhich has served its purpose for a long time andwhich should soon be replaced by a new and betterbuilding. It is, however, a hive of industry; it iscrowded with boys and girls who are earnestly desiringan education. A great number of the studentslive in the building as boarders; many also comefrom the town of Monrovia and from “Krutown.”The teachers are mostly American negroes who havebeen trained in our southern schools. The coursesoffered cover a considerable range.

The work in this institution began in 1839 underJabez A. Burton, assisted by Mrs. Anne Wilkins andMrs. Eunice Moore. The present building was erectedin 1849 at an expense of $10,000. The work of theschool is divided among seven departments. Theprimary school covers three years; the grammarschool three years; the high school two years. Thereis a normal course for the preparation of teachers;in the college preparatory and the college departmentsthe classics are taught. In the biblical departmentthe design is to prepare religious workers.There is an industrial department in which instructionis given in carpentry, tin-smithing, shoe-making,black-smithing, and printing; in this departmentgirls receive instruction in home-training. The printingestablishment demands particular notice; almostall the unofficial printing of the Republic, outside of[166]the county of Maryland, is done upon the pressof the College of West Africa. Many creditablepieces of workmanship have been put out by thisinstitution and the mission paper, Liberia and WestAfrica, is printed here. The college conducts nightschools for those who can not attend during the daytime.Regular charges are made for tuition, text-books,and—to those students who board in the institution—forroom, board, and washing. These chargesare extremely modest and can be rather easily met;through the opportunities connected with the industrialdepartment students who wish to earn theireducation can largely do so. With the exception ofprinting, the work of the industrial school is conductedoutside of the city of Monrovia.

We have already, stated that the mission schoolsare better equipped and more attractive than thepublic schools. The work of such schools is desirableand should be encouraged and developed. At thesame time it is true that in such schools exists anelement of possible danger. This is brought out byMr. Barclay in his report. He says: “As regardsthe mission schools, if we observe attentively the finalefforts of their endeavors, we will discover that, whenthey have operated exclusively in civilized centers,they have been a great public service and in manycases have supplied the want of a public school system.But, on the other hand, where the scope oftheir operations has extended beyond these centers,to districts wholly or mainly uncivilized, their carehas been to ‘save souls’ rather than to create citizensor to develop proper ideals of citizenship. Theirtendency is toward denationalization. Here, then, iswhere they come in conflict, unconsciously perhaps,with the imperative policy of the government. Pupilscoming to attend the mission schools, for howevershort a period, leave with a feeling of antagonismto constituted authority, or at best, with no sentimentsof congeniality with the civilized element eitherin aspirations or ideals. On returning to their homes,[167]they develop into pernicious and vehement demagogues.Fomenting the tribal spirit in oppositionto the national ideal, they frequently lead their peopleto foolish and irrational measures, and stir upmisunderstanding and discord between them and theGovernment. They pose as arbiters between thesetwo parties to their own profit, and, finally, when discovered,are discredited by both. The net result ofthis missionary activity, unsupervised and unregulated,is to create an element of discord in the State,which it becomes imperative to stamp out by forceand at great expense to the public. These facts ofcourse do not apply universally; but they are sufficientlygeneral to attract attention and to call foramelioration of the condition which they point outas existing. It should not be thought that these remarksare intended or designed to discredit absolutelyall missionary enterprises. But what I do desire topoint out is that some supervision should be exercisedover these schools by the Government. Under thedirection of unscrupulous and unsympathetic people,they may be made powerful agencies of disintegrationin the State. It must not be overlooked thatthe foreign missionary does not feel himself calledupon to help direct in the process of nation-building.His aspirations are after spreading his own form ofsuperstition and toward the realization of his particularmoral Utopia.”

Again he says: “... all private affairs,when they impinge on the domain of public affairs,or assume a quasi-public character, must become thesubject of regulation by public authority. So far asinternal administration goes, the State has, and canclaim, no concern so long as such administrationsquares with legality. But public authority muststep in when these schools become potent factors inpublic economy. We have been led, therefore, to thesuggestion that such schools as are established by foreignand domestic mission societies in the Republic,should conform, in their primary grades especially,[168]to the requirements of law for the public schools,and that the Department of Public Instruction shouldhave the right to inspect these schools in orderto find out if the conditions are being kept. Tosecure this, every school, before beginning operations,should be registered at the Department of Public Instruction,and licensed to this end. Where the legalrequirements have not been kept, the Board of Education,or other educational authority, should have thepower of summarily closing said school. These regulationsare necessary when we consider the peculiarconditions which confront us in the administrationof the country.”

Again he says: “While the State must in greatmeasure depend upon the public spirit and missionaryzeal of individual citizens in fomenting and creatingthe national spirit, it is, a priori, the duty ofthe people in their collective capacity to providecapital means to this end. If the country is to beutilized, if we are to develop into a strong nation,capable of demanding universal respect, and worthyof taking that leading place among African statesand the African civilization, which is our destiny,the preoccupation of government for the next twoor three generations must be in the direction of developinga specific type of citizens, animated by anidentical spirit, filled with an unbounded faith intheir destiny, and possessed and inspired by the sameideals. As this is to be effected through the schools,we can not escape the impressions: (a) That somecentral authority of the State must supervise alleducational operations in the country; (b) that, ifmission schools and private corporate and non-corporateinstitutions be allowed, they must operate subjectto limitations imposed by law as regards thecourse of study, the general character of instruction,and the special object to be obtained, especially inthe primary grades. In other words, they must assistin developing the civic instincts of the pupils; (c)[169]that a uniform system of training must be rigidly,consciously, and universally enforced.”

The matter suggested by these quotations is reallyof considerable importance. The central thought ofthem is surely sound; all mission schools, while entirelyfree to teach religion according to their owntenets, should consult together and have a uniformsystem of secular instruction which should be keptquite separate from the religious teaching; thisshould be of the same character and have the sameend as the teaching offered in the public schools;the mission schools should work in harmony with thepublic schools and should recognize the Superintendentof Education; they should heartily co-operatewith him toward the production of good citizens andthe development of a feeling of respect and loyaltyto the national government. It is true that someof them have a standard which is not reached by thepublic schools; such should not, of course, reducetheir standard, but should serve as a friendly exampleto the Government of what is reasonablyexpected of schools of their grade. The proper treatmentof this matter calls for great tact and goodspirit on both sides.

We have already called attention to the fact thatin Vai and Mandingo towns instruction is given toboys in Arabic and in the reading of the Koran.These little village schools are interesting. The boysuse smooth boards with handles as slates; these aresmeared over with a light colored clay, and passagesfrom the sacred writing are copied in black uponthe light surface; the little fellows are constantlydrilled in reading these passages aloud and in copyingsimilar passages upon their wooden tablets. Suchschools as these form a nucleus which could beutilized in the development of schools for broaderinstruction. We have already called attention to thefact that the Vai have a phonetic system of theirown, developed among themselves. The ability towrite and read this phonetic script is rather widely[170]spread, and when schools come to be established inVai towns this system might be widely utilized forpurposes of education.

Theoretically, and to some degree actually, LiberiaCollege stands at the summit of the Liberian systemof education. It has had a checkered history withups and downs; most observers have been inclinedto see and emphasize the downs. In 1848 John Payne,of the Episcopal mission, suggested to Simon Greenleaf,of Boston, that a school of theology should beestablished in Liberia. Partly as the result of thissuggestion, in 1850 there was established in Massachusettsa Board of Trustees of Donations for Educationin Liberia. In 1851 the Liberian legislatureincorporated Liberia College, the outgrowth of thesteps already taken, although not in the exact directionsuggested by John Payne. In 1857 Ex-PresidentJ. J. Roberts was elected first president of LiberiaCollege, and superintended the erection of the buildingwhich had been provided for. During the nextfew years further funds were raised for the purposeof conducting the enterprise, and in 1861 the endowmentwas vested in a Board of eighteen Trustees. In1862 Liberia College was opened for work. Sincethat time it has had a struggling existence, makingperiodical appeals for financial assistance, receivingdonations of more or less magnitude, occasionallyputting forth a spurt of momentary vigor, then languishingalmost to the point of death; again andagain this round of experiences has been run by theinstitution. It is difficult to secure definite and connectedinformation regarding it; to prepare a fairlycomplete history would involve considerable labor.It is interesting to notice that, among the expressedpurposes of the institution, was the providing of anopportunity for American colored youth to receivean education, as they were then debarred from educationalinstitutions in our country. There were atfirst three chairs in the institution:—Jurisprudenceand International Law, English Literature and Moral[171]and Mental Philosophy, and the Fulton Chair ofLanguages; in 1905 the faculty consisted of eightmembers, including the president. In 1879 there wasbut a single teacher, who was giving instruction inmathematics (to which chair he was originally appointed)and also in languages. The largest donationat any time received by the College was fromJoseph Fulton, of New York, who left $25,000, theincome of which was to support the Fulton professor,who was to be nominated by the New York ColonizationSociety; the Board of Donations of Boston hashad some $30,000 at interest for the benefit of theinstitution; Albert Fearing at one time gave $5000for library purposes. In addition to these gifts andbequests from and in America the institution hasreceived and does receive some governmental aid;1000 acres of land in each county have been set apartfor its advantage; certain sources of income aretheoretically devoted to its maintenance. At onetime four scholarships had been established andnamed; these scholarships were, the Gordon Memorial(in memory of Midshipman Gordon, whodied in 1822), the John Payne Scholarship, theSimon Greenleaf Scholarship, and the George BriggsScholarship. To what degree these scholarships arestill productive we do not know. The institutionhad run down and was threatened with extinctionwhen, in 1898, under the national administration ofPresident W. E. Coleman, it received a new impulse,and in the year 1900 was re-organized. It is unfortunatethat the exact status of Liberia College is notmore definite; it is neither fish, flesh nor fowl; it isat once a private institution with a directorate andmanagement located across the seas, and a part of asystem of public education, receiving aid fromnational funds.

Such is the condition of education in the Republic.It leaves much to be desired. Those who lead publicthought are by no means ignorant of its weak features;the national poverty, however, makes it difficult[172]to develop better things. If the nation is toadvance, its education must be greatly improved.This improvement must begin at the very foundationwith the primary public schools. These need reformin the matter of buildings, equipment, and teachers’salaries; if good teachers are to be secured, and keptsteadily at work to earn their salaries, they must bepromptly paid—prompt payment of any employeesis a difficult matter in Liberia. There should be alarge increase in the number of public schools; thereare perhaps as many as are necessary within the civilizedsettlements, but the native towns are almostwithout school opportunities, except as these areoffered by the missions. There is crying need of theestablishment of public schools in native towns. Suchshould, however, be established only in towns wheregenuine promises of self-support are given. Thereare, no doubt, many towns where, if the matter wereproperly presented, the chiefs would readily build aschool-building, order the children to attend school,and support a teacher. Such a teacher should bewell acquainted with the native tongue, and the bulkof the instruction should be given in it; to teachelementary branches in a foreign language is poorpolicy; true, it has been attempted—as on a widescale in the Philippines, but mental and moral imbecilityare likely to be developed by such procedure;English should be taught, but it should be taught asa subject in itself, and the English language shouldnot be used as the medium for conveying elementaryinstruction in fundamental branches; after Englishhas once been learned, it is of course desirable toencourage the reading of English books and the acquisitionof general knowledge through such reading.It will probably be suggested that it will be impossibleto find teachers acquainted with the nativetongues and competent to teach the various branchesof primary education; such a difficulty ought not toexist after nearly eighty years of mission schoolswhich have by preference sought to teach and raise[173]the native population. It will be claimed that suchteachers in native towns will be in danger of relapse;there is such danger, but it is far less than might bethought, provided the Department of Public Instructionkeeps in constant touch with such teachers innative towns and properly emphasizes to the nativechiefs the value of schools and education. When wewere in the Bassa country, we found, at a native townquite in the interior, an intelligent black man whospoke English well and who told us that he had beensent out by the Lutheran mission at Muhlenburg topick up and bring in native boys for instruction atthat famous school; he told us at that time, that thechief of the village where we were, together withthe leading men, were very anxious that a local schoolshould be established in their midst, and promisedland, a building, and attendance. It would be easyif the matter were handled wisely, to establish atonce, in twenty native towns, carefully selectedamong the different tribes, twenty local schools whichwould be supported with considerable enthusiasm bythe communities in which they were situated. If theGovernment could at once equip these twenty schoolswith good teachers who had graduated from the missionschools, there would spring up a popular demandthroughout the whole interior for the establishmentof village schools; it would be difficult to satisfy thedemand, but from the number of villages asking forthe establishment of schools, a reasonable numberof the best might be selected, and the work wouldgrow. There would actually be little expense in suchdevelopment; if it is to be successful, and if it isworth while, it should originate largely with thetowns themselves, and every school should be practicallyself-supporting. For a time of course therewould be on the part of chiefs a demand for somesort of bribe or “dash”; this ought to be refused inevery case.

To illustrate exactly what is meant, we quote asample of the kind of document which mission schools[174]at one time regularly drew up with the idea of gettingchildren into school. It is presented in Hoyt’s Landof Hope:—“Articles of agreement between Tweh,King of Dena, his head men and people, and theMethodist Episcopal Mission:

Art. 1. The mission school is to have at all timesat least ten boys; and more if they should be wanted.Girls at all times are desirable.

Art. 2. The children of the school are at all timesto be under the entire control of Mr. Philip Grossand his successors in the teaching and government ofthis station, without interruption on the part of theirparents or guardians until the time for which theyare put in the mission school shall have expired.

Art. 3. As good substantial buildings may soonbe required for teachers to reside in, and more landwill be constantly wanted for manual labor purposes,the King, his head men and people, also agree to protectthe missionaries in occupying and using it, inthe manner they may think proper, without responsibilityto any one beyond themselves. The King,etc., agree to protect them in their persons and propertyfrom either abuse or violence, and if anythingis stolen from them, the King, his head men andpeople, promise to see it returned or paid for.

Art. 4. As long as the authorities of Dena continueto fulfill this agreement, by giving the childrenfor school instruction, and protecting themission and mission-premises from intrusion and disturbance,the mission will give them annually, (aboutChristmas) one piece of blue baft, two small kegsof powder, ten bars of tobacco, ten bars of pipes, andfifty gun-flints; with the understanding, that thisbeing done, they are not to be teased for dash toany one.

Art. 5. But if the King and his head men failto fulfill the conditions of the above agreement, then[175]they will be under no obligations as a mission to givethe above named articles.

Of course this document is many years old. Nodoubt, however, the bad policy of paying chiefs forpermission to establish schools in towns and for childrenwho shall receive instruction is continued by themission schools. Certainly, however, if the governmentdevelop its own plans of dealing with nativechiefs for the encouragement of trade, it will be easyto do away with this idea of compensation for thetolerance of schools. Such native village schools aswe have recommended should not attempt to do morethan teach the elements of education; they shouldcorrespond to the primary schools in the system ofpublic education for the nation; every teacher incharge of such schools should be expected to encourageboys and girls of exceptional promise and diligence,who do well in the village schools, to go upto the local “feeder”.

When we were in Monrovia, we were asked morethan once whether it was best to remove Liberia Collegeinto the interior. It is the opinion of manythat such removal should take place. The answer tothe question depends entirely upon what is conceivedto be the proper function of Liberia College. If itis to be an institution of higher education, if it is toaim at academic instruction and the development ofable men for the filling of public positions, for professionallife, for leadership, it would be a great mistaketo move it. To remove such an institution intothe interior would make it difficult for students fromthe settlements to attend the institution; if it were[176]intended to meet the needs of natives, its removalwould sound the death knell of its hopes; it could belocated in the area of a single tribe only, and locatedin such an area, it would receive the patronage of buta single tribe. Recognizing the fact that the nativesare actually tribesmen, if schools of higher gradethan primary village schools are to be developed, withreference to them, there should be at least one schoolof higher instruction in every tribal area; suchschools should be of a grade corresponding to oursecondary or grammar schools. It is unlikely thatany one will, for many years, think of the establishmentof such higher schools in numbers sufficient foreach tribal area to have one; while, theoretically theidea may be attractive, practically it is out of question.It would be entirely possible, however, for fourgood county schools of grammar grade to be established—onein each county; these should be in thecountry, not in the settlements. They should be opento both natives and Liberians, but it is to be supposedthat their attendance would be largely, overwhelminglyindeed, native. These county schools should bethoroughly practical—they should combine book-workand manual-training; they should give instructionin trades and agriculture. They should be aswell equipped and as well managed as the resourcesof the Republic will allow. They should be thoroughand earnest, and should not attempt to undertakemore than the exact work here suggested; theyshould be secondary—grammar—schools, and a partof their aim should be to fully acquaint every studentattending them with the work and opportunities ofthe Higher Agricultural School, outside Monrovia,and Liberia College at the capital. The teachersshould not attempt to force large numbers of theirstudents to look for higher education, but shouldmake them thoroughly acquainted with the fact thatopportunities may be found in the Republic for it;the very few students of real promise, who desire educationof higher grade, the teachers should encourage[177]and direct toward the Higher Agricultural Schooland Liberia College; certainly the larger number ofthe boys should be directed toward the former—aselect few of special promise in the direction of leadership,toward the latter.

For the general uplift, there is no question that themost important element in this scheme of educationmust be the Higher Agricultural School. It shouldbe situated upon an experimental farm; it should besupplied with sufficient suitable buildings; it shouldcombine literary and manual instruction. It shouldcarry boys far enough to infuse them with ambitionand vigor for an agricultural career. It should teachthe methods demanded by the peculiar surroundings.Tropical agriculture in any country is still in its beginnings;scientific agriculture in Liberia is as yetnon-existent; as rapidly as possible, the schoolshould, through investigation and experiment, learnwhat is necessary for the locality. It will start withthe benefit of blind experiments conducted through aperiod of almost a hundred years; it should, bytwenty years of well-directed effort, work out thefundamental principles of successful agriculture. Insuch a school boys should be taught that hand laboris respectable and necessary; they should be taughtequally how to plan, develop, and direct an enterprise.Coffee was at one time an important articleof shipment; Liberian coffee had an excellent reputationthroughout the world and commanded goodprices; there were many creditable plantationswhich brought in good returns to their proprietors.Why has Liberian coffee ceased to pay? It is truethat it has had to meet keen competition from countrieswhere labor was plenty and under good control;it has had to meet in open market productswhich had been raised through subsidies paid bynations far wealthier; still, the chief reason whyLiberian coffee no longer has the vogue which itonce had is because it was badly handled, badlypacked, and badly shipped. In the higher agricultural[178]school one should be taught not only how toestablish coffee plantations, but how to properlytreat, prepare, and ship the produce. There was atime when many fields were planted with sugar-cane;there were many little local mills where the cane wascrushed and molasses and sugar made; to-day it maybe said that there is no cane industry in the Republic.Has the demand for sugar ceased? Has the soil lostthe capacity of growing cane? Is not the decline inthis industry due to time-losing, crude, and imperfectmethods of production? Liberia seems welladapted to various domestic animals. Goats andsheep—the latter covered with hair, not wool—areseen on the streets of the national capital; when onegets back into the interior, cattle are found in nativetowns and in the district about Cape Palmas cattleare met with in the coast settlements. Yet freshmeat is difficult to secure in Monrovia; why? In theHigher Agricultural School definite investigationshould be made of all native plant and animal possibilities;there are no doubt many forms of plant lifewhich could be improved under proper cultivationand made to yield desirable materials for commerceor for national use; it is quite possible that some ofthe native animals could be utilized if kept and bred;it is certain that harmful animals can be controlledor totally destroyed. The experimental station inconnection with the agricultural school should dealwith all these matters. Of plants and animals whichflourish in our own and other countries, some prosperand succeed on the west coast of Africa—others fail;many experiments have already been made in introducingplants and animals from the outside worldinto Liberia; much, however, still remains to be donein studying the possibilities. It is time that theexperiments in this direction were wisely made bycompetent and educated investigators and that theperiod of blind and wasteful experimentation cease.

Liberia College, however, should remain at thecapital city. It must be strengthened and developed.[179]It should be a college, and if at present below grade—andit is below grade—it should be gradually workedup to a high standard. The nation will always needa higher institution of liberal culture; there is asmuch reason why there should be a genuine collegein the black Republic, as there was why there shouldbe a Harvard College in Massachusetts at the dateof its foundation; in fact, there is more need of acollege for Liberia than there was in Massachusettsfor Harvard—Liberia has more serious and broaderproblems to deal with than the old colony of Massachusetts;she is an independent nation; she musthave men competent by training to control the “shipof state” and to deal with the representatives of allthe civilized nations on the globe.

One can easily understand, and to a degree sympathizewith, the statement of Thomas in his littlebook upon West Africa, published a half centuryago. He wrote shortly after the college was established.He says: “I regret to say that a collegehas been lately established in Liberia, the presidencyof which has been conferred on President Roberts.I regret it, because it will involve an outlay thatmight be better used for common schools. It willsend out, for years at least, men imperfectly learned,with the idea that they are scholars, and create afalse standard of education. The present state ofsociety has no demand for such a thing, the highschools already in operation being sufficient to supplyteachers and professional men, and these are sufficientlypatronized. A couple of manual labor schoolssomewhere in the interior would be vastly more useful.These things—academies dubbed colleges—aregetting to be an evil among us in the states, and weare sorry to see our ebony off-shoot copying any ofour defects.” We are all familiar with such criticismsand this line of argument, and of course theycontain a germ of truth. But every young and developingcommunity must have higher education, andwe have indicated why the necessity in Liberia is[180]urgent. From her population must come presidents,congressmen, cabinet officers of ability, diplomaticand political officials, and nothing below a collegecan produce the desirable supply.

In contrast to the statement of Mr. Thomas, wemay quote two passages from Dr. Blyden—himself anegro, a Liberian, an official in Liberia College. Atthe dedication of the Institution, he said: “Why,then, should not Liberia, after forty years’ existence,having secured the confidence and respect of theaboriginal tribes, enjoy the means of superior education?The name College applied to this institutionmay seem ambitious; but it is not too early in ourhistory to aim at such institutions. Of course wecannot expect that it will at once fulfill all the conditionsof colleges in advanced countries, but it maycome in time, as many American colleges have done,to grow into an institution of respectability andextensive usefulness.” Again, in the same address,he says: “Every country has its peculiar and particularcharacteristics. So has Liberia. From thisfact, it has often been argued, that we need a peculiarkind of education; not so much colleges and highschools as other means which are more immediatelyand obviously connected with our progress. But tothis we reply, ‘If we are a part of the human family,we have the same intellectual needs that other peoplehave, and they must be supplied by the same means.’It shows a painful ignorance of history, to considerthe present state of things in Liberia as new andunprecedented in such a sense as to render dispensablethose more important and fundamentalmeans of improvement, which other countries haveenjoyed. Mind is everywhere the same; and everywhereit receives character and formation from thesame elemental principles. If it has been properlyformed and has received a substantial character, itwill work out its own calling, solve its own problems,achieve its own destiny.”

In other words, it is the old question between Tuskegee[181]and Atlanta. In any broad and wise view bothare equally essential.

Liberia College and the Higher Agricultural Schoolwill do more to develop a national spirit among thenatives of the interior than any other single agency.From the native village schools boys will go out to thecounty “feeder”; there their ambition is stimulated;they come into contact with boys of other tribes;acquaintance and a generous and proper rivalry developsbetween them; each boy will feel that the creditand reputation of his people rests in him—he willfeel that he is not inferior—he will strive to hold hisown in legitimate fields of rivalry; from the county“feeder” the brightest, most ambitious, and best ofthe scholars will go up to the College or AgriculturalSchool, both of which are national. There, in contactwith the selected and best from every part of theRepublic, from Liberians and natives alike, the nativeboys will come to know the national spirit; they willlearn what Liberia means, they will comprehend itsplans and hopes; they will be prepared to assist inits development and to protect its rights.

We have said that Liberia College would benational; it can not and ought not to be hamperedby denominational or even by religious demands; itwould be better if the College were absolutely underthe control of the national government; the doublecontrol works badly. It is not absolutely essentialthat such should be the case; if the American Board,or Boards, interested in it would wake up to the ideaof the great opportunity within their hands, theywould be willing to co-operate heartily with the localauthorities to develop a really great institution. Thedifficulty of distance of course would ever interferewith prompt and harmonious action; ignorance oflocal conditions and of the inherent difficulties isanother bar to effective and prompt co-operation.If the double control of the Institution is to continue,there should be a carefully worked out agreementbetween the two governing bodies which should leave[182]very considerable power with the resident authorityto deal with serious problems as they may arise. Ifthe double control must continue, it is cryingly necessarythat more vigorous and liberal assistance shouldbe rendered. To put the College into proper condition,and develop its field of action, needs money, inconsiderable quantity, much more than the governmentwould be warranted in supplying for some timeto come. There are various things in connection withthe conduct of the College which are bad and needre-adjustment. Thus, there is a vicious system ofstudent assistance, which undoubtedly works moreharm than benefit; attendance at the College isstimulated by cash payments to students, for whichapparently no return service is rendered; any suchmode of assistance should be completely stopped. Itis better that the College should have a half dozenstudents who are attending because they wish to gainan education, than that its halls should be filled withidlers who come simply because they receive payduring their attendance. For every penny given toany student, actual service, preferably hand-labor,should be demanded. This is particularly importantwhen we remember the general attitude towards thewhole subject of working with the hands.

The presidency of the College has always been, andstill is, a problem. The president should not be anautocrat, beyond control and irresponsible, and heshould be absolutely fitted for his high post. Onaccount of the uncertain status of the institution, itis possible for its president to do what he pleaseswithout check or hindrance. When it suits his ownconvenience, he takes refuge behind the fact that itis a chartered institution, responsible to a foreignboard of managers to whom alone he owes allegiance;he may thus refuse to recognize the Superintendent ofPublic Instruction and to conduct the financial affairsof the Institution as if he were without responsibilityto the government from which, however, the schoolreceives financial aid. Again, this high position has[183]seemed, sometimes in the past, to be merely a politicalfootball. When a man has served a term of office,when he has been defeated in an election, when for amoment he is without a job, he may become the presidentof Liberia College. This is all wrong. Thatpresidency should be a position demanding a man’sfull time, and filling his whole horizon; it should bea position to which he willingly devotes a lifetime,and through which he may justly hope to gain a lastingreputation. It is true that great names inLiberia’s history have been associated with it; Roberts,Gibson, Blyden, Barclay, Dossen, and othershave occupied it with credit to themselves, and nodoubt with advantage to the school; but the positionshould be a position for men without other ambitions,men not in politics. Perhaps it is necessary at thisstage to import a head for the institution? If so, itis not for lack of competent Liberians already in theRepublic—but because there is no competent manthere but what has other ambitions.

Here we believe is an actual opportunity for wiseAmerican philanthropy to exercise itself. Vast giftsof money could be properly employed in these twoinstitutions of higher learning—the Higher AgriculturalSchool and Liberia College. The one will haveto be founded and developed from foundation up;the other needs development, re-organization, andcontinuous and wisely exercised interest and sympathy.Suitable but flexible restrictions should justlybe imposed in connection with any gift, but the futureought not to be bound too tightly. The absolutelydifferent character of the two institutions should berecognized and emphasized. If both were energizedwith gifts from our country, it would be just thatboth should be headed by American presidents. Ifso, Tuskegee might supply the president for theHigher Agricultural School, Atlanta that for LiberiaCollege. In any event, only the best men that theinstitutions could furnish should be sent; they shouldbe men of ideals, ideas, and devotion; they should be[184]teachable men, who would recognize that much ofgood already exists in the Republic, and who wouldaim to utilize everything helpful and hopeful whichis already there; they should be men who will co-operate,rather than men who will eradicate; theymust be wise men; theirs will be no easy task; andthey should realize that it is frequently best to “makehaste slowly”—if only progress is made surely.

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IMMIGRATION.

The original settlers in Liberia were for the mostpart aided in their immigration by the AmericanColonization Society. The whole business of shipment,transportation, and reception soon became quitethoroughly systematized. Those who had funds oftheir own made use of these in getting to the “Landof Promise” and settling; but many were quite withoutresources. Such were sent out passage freeby the Society; on arriving at Liberia, they weretransferred to “receptacles”—houses especially constructedfor the purpose,—where, for six months,they were provided with board and medical attendance.During these six months the immigrantsusually passed through the acclimating fever, andwere sufficiently restored to begin the serious task ofestablishing themselves in their new homes. To eachadult person a piece of land was given, either in thetown or country; the Society had already supplied anoutfit for farming and housekeeping purposes. Withland assigned and outfit ready, the newcomer proceededto adjust himself as well as possible to his newsurroundings. In the very nature of things, many ofthe early settlers were undesirables; it is true thatmuch was made of the care with which they wereselected before they were shipped to Africa; suchclaims, however, deserve little more belief than[186]might have been expected under the circ*mstances.It was not strange that many weak, undesirable, evenvicious, individuals were sent; the remarkable fact isthat the mass was as good as it actually was. Whilemuch allowance must be made for partisanship, andthe desire to make a good showing, there is remarkableuniformity in the reports concerning the decency,neatness, and progressive character of the settlers.Among the newcomers there were indeed a numberof exceptional men, men who, in any time or place,would be recognized as superior; they were men ofability who, in the old home, had felt themselvessubject to the most unjust discrimination; they hadchafed under the disadvantages and inequality oftheir situations; they felt that in Liberia there wasindeed a chance for black men. Such were LottCarey, Elijah Johnson, Hilary Teague, Amos Herring,and others. The new colony owed much to thepresence of a few such men. It has always been so,it will always be so; there is no community where thenumber of leaders is large; there is no communitywhere the rank and file are honest, respectable,ambitious, and progressive. It is unreasonable toexpect in Liberia what we could not find in anycivilized land of white men. An interesting factregarding Liberia is that the supply of leaders hasnever failed. The “fathers” died; the sons have followed;the first settlers have gone to their reward;new settlers with the qualifications of leadershiphave always come. When the colony gave place tothe Republic, it had leaders like Roberts, HilaryJohnson, and Stephen A. Benson. To-day there are,all things considered, a remarkable number of men ofability; the little land with Arthur Barclay, DanielE. Howard, J. J. Dossen, F. E. R. Johnson, T.McCants Stewart, Bishop Ferguson,—and plentymore—is not badly equipped for grappling withnational problems.

In the early days every one had to suffer theacclimating fever; many died. Such, however, has[187]been the experience in the settlement of all newcountries, even outside the tropics. Our own pilgrimfathers lost severely in taking possession of NewEngland; mastery of the Mississippi Valley wasachieved only at a frightful loss in life; to the outsider,who only reads the death list, Liberian settlementseems horrible; but, to the one who knows theprice eternally paid for colonization, it appears lessbad. After passing through the fever, and settlingdown to work, the question of success was one for eachman to settle for himself. The two opportunitieswere trade and agriculture. We have seen repeatedlythat, on the whole, trade had the greater attractiveness.Still, numbers went to farming and the developmentof plantations. Opportunity was really largeand success was not infrequent. The number of earlysettlers who promptly secured comfort, and evenmodest wealth, was great.

If there is to be immigration on any considerablescale, there must be easy communication between theUnited States and Liberia. The original settlers weresent when opportunity offered; sometimes in privatesailing vessels, sometimes in government ships. Therehas been very little direct sailing between the twocountries since our Civil War. For a long time itwas necessary for passengers who desired to go fromthe United States to Liberia, to go first to Liverpool,Hamburg, Rotterdam, or Antwerp, and from thereto take a steamer for the West Coast; such anarrangement of course involved considerable expenseand much loss of time. There have been efforts atvarious times to establish direct lines of communication.Thus, in 1838, Judge Wilkinson submitted aproject. He recommended that a vessel should bepurchased and sold to such free persons of color aswould agree to man her with colored seamen, andnavigate her as a regular packet between Liberia andthe United States. Regular passenger rates would bepaid to the conductors of this enterprise for the conveyanceof emigrants sent out by the Society. The[188]plan was approved and the money promptly raised;$3000 was subscribed by the New York ColonizationSociety, $1000 by the New Jersey Colonization Society,and $400 by individuals. Judge Wilkinson, atonce, on his own responsibility, purchased the Saludafor $6000; she was a vessel of 384 tons; a fast sailer;in good order; she had passenger accommodationsfor 150 persons.

A few years later, in 1846, a joint-stock tradingcompany was established by the Maryland ColonizationSociety under the name of the Chesapeake andLiberian Trading Co. It was to maintain a line ofpackets for taking out emigrants and bringing inproduce; it was expected that the colonists wouldinvest in the shares; $20,000 was considered necessaryfor the enterprise, and there was considerabledifficulty in raising it, only $16,000 having been subscribedwhen the first vessel was completed and readyfor sailing. The first voyage took place in the monthof December. The Liberian Packet, as it was called,made many voyages. It was found necessary toincrease the size of the vessel employed, but the wholeenterprise received a severe check with the wreckof the Ralph Cross. It was in several respects a realsuccess, but there was considerable disappointmentfelt because of the little interest taken in this line bythe colonists themselves; it was hoped that the bulkof the stock would be taken by them—as a matter offact, only about one-eighth was so purchased. CommodoreFoote, in his interesting book, Africa and theAmerican Flag, emphasizes the fact that the one greatadvantage resulting from this line was the ease withwhich Liberian settlers revisited the United States forshort periods, thus forming and keeping up connectionswith their mother country.

When Thomas was along the West Coast in 1857,direct communication appears to have ceased. Hesays: “The day is not distant when steam communicationwill be established between the United Statesand Liberia, and her exhaustless fields be brought[189]within fourteen days of our shores. Already theinterests of American commerce demand the establishmentof such a line, and the general governmentshould extend its aid in such an enterprise, beforeEngland and France take the field from us. Alreadythe steam-liners between England and Fernando Potouch at Monrovia, and it is said that arrangementsare being made with the company to have them stopat Cape Palmas also. Of the 125,000 gallons of palmoil annually exported from this place, American producersget 50,000. The other exports are pepper andcamwood. The revenue of Maryland, the year previousto its annexation to Liberia, was about $2000,derived from a light duty on certain classes ofimports.” In 1850 an effort was made in the AmericanCongress to establish and develop a trading linebetween the two countries. Since that time therehave been occasional suggestions looking in this direction;thus, in 1904 a company was established underthe name of the New York and Liberian SteamshipCo. with a capital stock of $50,000; at about the sametime, there was organized the American and WestAfrican Steamship Co. with head-quarters at NewYork, a capital of $600,000, and the apparent endorsem*ntof many of the most prominent colored menof the United States. Many such schemes have beenbroached, some with brilliant promise; for one reasonor another, however, they have failed. There isno question that such a company under conservativemanagement might make a success; the difficulty sofar with most of them has been that they have startedwith too high hopes of large, immediate returns andwith insufficient capital. In the long run, goodreturns might be expected; but there should be anticipateda considerable period during which there wouldbe little, if any, income. Very recently an experimentalarrangement has been made by the two greatsteamship-lines of West Africa to connect New Yorkwith Monrovia. At present a vessel sails once everytwo months from New York for the west coast of[190]Africa. The first stop is at Las Palmas, CanaryIslands; the second, Monrovia; the time from NewYork to Monrovia is nineteen days; the vessel thenproceeds south along the western coast of Africa,returning to Monrovia at the end of about nineweeks; on the return the only point of call is St.Vincent in the Cape Verde Islands. The return voyageoccupies eighteen or nineteen days. The vesselsmaking these runs are alternately German and English,of the Woermann and the Elder Dempster Lines.

This arrangement is the best that has been offeredfor many years. It is relatively easy by means of itfor Americans to visit Liberia, and for Liberiansto see our country. It is to be hoped that thearrangement will be continued—or even improved;if there is anything in this trade at all, it should notbe long before sailings will take place monthlyinstead of one in two months.

Does Liberia wish immigration from America?Liberians say so, but they usually qualify the statementby saying that it should be “of the right kind”.They assert that they will welcome thousands. Presidentialmessages, congressional action, local resolutions,all express one sentiment; they want Americans,they will welcome them, they will give themevery opportunity. This is no doubt true theoreticallyand in the abstract. As a matter of fact, however,they do not really want American settlers.There are many reasons for this attitude, and all arenatural. The new-comer from America is apt to besupercilious and condescending; he is critical andmakes odious comparisons; he knows little of the historyof the country, has no sympathy with itsachievements, sees only its crudities and errors. Heis full of grand schemes for his own advancement;he is in Liberia for exploitation; a man of some littleprominence in his home community with us, heexpects to be a leader in the new surroundings; hewishes to be a new broom, sweeping clean. He wouldbrush away all that already exists, and construct a[191]totally new edifice; but when one brushes away whatalready exists, the task before him is worse than thatof “making bricks without straw”. It is no wonderthat the new-comer is promptly looked upon withdislike.

Again, there are not many paying “jobs”; thosethat exist are already occupied by native sons andold settlers; the coming of a considerable number ofnew immigrants will not increase the number of these“jobs” in proportion to the influx of population.The new-comers will crowd those who are alreadylocated; lack of opportunity, scantness of educationalfacilities, inability to secure a proper preparation—allthings which are in the nature of Liberian conditionsand for which the individual can not be heldresponsible,—give to those already in possession asense of inferiority and unpreparedness which makesthem fear the coming of the outsider who has had awider training. Whatever they may say to the contrary,however much they may express the desire thathighly trained and competent Americans should cometo the aid of the Republic, the whole official and governingbody will look with natural suspicion andjealousy upon intruders.

It is commonplace to be told by Liberians that thereis plenty of work in the Republic for carpenters,masons, blacksmiths, and wheelwrights. This is saidso readily that it sounds like a recitation learned forrepetition. That there may be room for carpentersand masons is probable; but the need of blacksmithsin a country where there are no real vehicles or horsesis less evident; and exactly what a wheelwright woulddo to fill his time is questionable. There are atpresent in Liberia almost no manufactories; it willsurely be some time before there is need of such.There are in Liberia no opportunities for day laborfor American negroes; the “bush nigg*r” is thereand will work for wages which no American coloredman could think of receiving if he were able to workat such labor in that country. It has been suggested[192]to me that thousands of American negroes might beemployed in road-building; there is indeed muchneed for roads; but the work of road-building is likelyto continue to fall to the native. Newcomers arealmost certain to go into professional life, politics,trade, or agriculture. Professional life and politicsare already fairly full—trade and agriculture remainas legitimate opportunities for the newcomer. TheAmerican negro who comes to Liberia for trade musthave capital, and he must realize that he enters intocompetition with old established white trading housesas well as with experienced Liberians who know thecountry and its needs. If the newcomer goes intoagriculture, he must expect to make some outlay insecuring land, constructing buildings, buying outfits;curiously enough, even in this field, where itmight be supposed that he would meet with little, ifany, opposition, he is quite sure to encounter hostilityfrom neighbors. Into whatever field of legitimateenterprise the American immigrant may plan toenter, he should not come to Africa unless he ishealthy of body, young, of active mind, fairly educated,and with money for tiding over a period ofnon-productiveness and opposition more or less frankand open.

Yet many succeed. Conspicuous examples are notwanting. Three recent cases may be consideredtypical. There is J. H. Green, who came to Liberiafrom Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1902; a lawyer bytrade, he had been interested while still in the UnitedStates in the promotion of Liberian immigration; hecarried with him into the new region his paper, TheAfrican League, which is a monthly periodicallargely devoted to the encouragement of Liberianimmigration. At first in Monrovia, since then atBuchanan, he has continued to print his paper whichhas the longest continued existence of any genuinenewspaper that has been printed in Liberia for manyyears; he has encountered constant opposition; he isa fighter from way back and has the courage of his[193]convictions. He has made good. He practices law,has been a local judge, conducts a successful, influential,and outspoken paper, has his printing-house,and conducts a shop for trade. Judge T. McCantsStewart is justly respected as one of the leadingmen of the Republic. He first went to Liberia thirtyyears ago, in connection with Liberia College; hestayed but a short time, returning to the UnitedStates; while in this country, he published an interestingand useful little book upon Liberia; later hewent to Honolulu, Hawaii; returning to Americafrom our newest territory, he closed out his affairsin this land and went again to Liberia; as a newcomer,he necessarily had prejudice and opposition toencounter; he has rooted there, however, and,respected and influential, is now one of the associatejustices of the Supreme Court. One of the mostinteresting men in Liberia to-day is Jeff Faulkner;he is active, enterprising, pushing, indefatigable; heis the only handy, all-around mechanician in Monrovia;he is absolutely one of the most useful men inthe Republic; he is depended upon by the governmentin many a time of need; when “the Lark”goes to the bottom, Jeff Faulkner is the only man toraise her; he has a keen eye for business, and developsevery opportunity; he has recently establishedan ice-factory, and his ice-cream parlor—a noveltyin Liberia’s capital—is popular. This very usefulman, though well appreciated, has literally had tofight his way to success. These men are well established,but they have succeeded only because theywere men of ideas, conviction, purpose, determination.Weak men in their positions would have failed.Liberia is no place for weaklings; there is no demandfor immigrants who leave America because they havebeen failures there.

For years Green has been agitating for “the negrocity”. In the African League, in 1903, he carried apage announcement regarding it. From it we quotesome extracts: “The negro city to be built in[194]Liberia, Africa, by 1000 American negroes.Liberia City will be the name. Foundation to belaid upon the arrival of the great colony early in1904. Let all be ready and fully prepared for thegreat corner-stone laying of a great negro town in aHIGH AND HEALTHY PLACE. Stones wanted for thefoundation. What kind of stones? Stones in theform of men! Self-sacrificing, vigorous, fearless,strong-hearted, self-supporting, brainy, brawny,God-fearing men? Men fitted for the sub-stratum ofthe great town in the great country where lynching isnot known, and freedom reigns supreme! Whereyour son may be a beggar or a ruler—at his ownelection. Come and make him a ruler. ... Acity built in a day. The foundation of this newsettlement with the town as the centre, will be laidupon the arrival of the colonists from America uponthe ground. ... A high and beautiful location,too high for the coast fever that is so much dreadedby the one who has heard about it—a location forwork in a country where gold and other preciousmetals abound. ... This place is especially invitingto the mining negro. The artisans are needed,too, along with the farmers and other workmen, forall these are needed in building up a great republic;only let them bring some capital. This is a greatplace for merchants. ... Let all who want tojoin this colony and want a town lot and a farm inthe section, free of charge, write.” So far the greatnegro settlement does not actually exist. The ideahas been often ridiculed; but it deserves consideration.At the time in question, Mr. Green made anextended journey in which he claimed to be lookingfor the best site for his settlement. Such a city, withanywhere from three hundred to one thousandinhabitants, would promise a more speedy anddurable success than the trickling in of the samenumber of immigrants as individuals. There isstrength in numbers; a common interest would bindthe newcomers to each other; if they really represented[195]a variety of trades and industries, the communitymight be sufficient to itself; individualjealousies of old settlers would be reduced to a minimumof harmfulness. There would naturally be,in case such a settlement were established, strongjealousy between it as a whole and longer establishedcommunities. Such has always been the case inLiberian history. There has always been feelingbetween Monrovia, Grand Bassa, Greenville, andMaryland. Such jealousies are natural and unavoidable.The only way in which they can be reducedis by the establishment of so many communities thatthe distance between them would be small; close contactwould develop at least a fair degree of harmony.

There are prominent negroes in our own countrywho have urged an exodus of black men from theUnited States. The difficulties of transporting ourmillions of black men, women, and children to Africa,if they care to go, are so great as to render thescheme actually impracticable. Nor is the difficultyof transportation the only one. The limited range ofpromising occupations makes it unlikely that greatnumbers will ever go thither; more than that,pronounced success in the United States,—andpronounced success to-day is by no means rare amongour colored population,—will hold the majority ofcolored people in this country. There is, however,room in Liberia for many thousands of settlers andopportunity for those among them who have no foolishnotions and who possess the qualities which Greendemands from those whom he invites to come. BishopTurner and Dr. Heard urge migration on the largestpossible scale; Dr. Ernest Lyon who, at the time whenthe excitement in regard to Liberia City was at itsheight, represented our government as minister toLiberia, discourages “indiscriminate immigration”.His report sent late in 1903 to Secretary Hay, of ourDepartment of State, was a dash to the high hopesof the encouragers of immigration. His letter wascalled out by the proposed large emigration from the[196]United States in 1904. He says: “From my knowledgeof the conditions of affairs here, I beg to informyou that Liberia is not prepared for indiscriminateimmigration in 1904. If immigrants come here whoare unable to support themselves for at least sixmonths, they will die from starvation and the rigorof the African climate—there are no houses here,even of a temporary construction, to protect themuntil they can build for themselves.” As might beexpected, this report of the resident Minister calledforth a vigorous reply from Mr. Green. He closes hisanswer with an actually able burst of feeling. Hesays: “As to indiscriminate immigration, it was thatthat planted the colony of Liberia; it was indiscriminateimmigration which gave birth to a Republic towhich the Rev. Dr. Lyon might be accredited UnitedStates Minister; it was this immigration schemethat gave us a President Roberts, a Benson, aGardner, a Coleman. It reinforced, succored, perpetuatedthe Republic in its infancy. It was indiscriminateimmigration which gave Liberia the graveand distinguished statesman, His Excellency, PresidentA. Barclay, our present and honored incumbent.Yes, and more than that, even America is a child ofindiscriminate immigration which yet constitutes thegreatest increase of American humanity. It madeAmerica great. May it not make Liberia great?”Thousands of American black men might no doubtmove to Liberia with advantage and profit to themselvesand to their adopted country. The Republicoffers a rich field. But it needs no idlers, no paupers,no criminals. No one should go without having clearideas as to his plans; the questions of “receptacle”,location, temporary support, must be looked into andprovided for. And the newcomer who is to be successfulmust be forceful, self-reliant, and ready tomeet with temporary prejudice. While the conditionsof many blacks might be improved by removalto Liberia, the black population in this country wouldbe advantaged by the elimination; if a considerable[197]number of emigrants were to go to Liberia, pressurehere would be relieved and conditions would beimproved.

There will of course be a constant trickling of newcomersfrom this country to Liberia; there may verywell be a constant stream. Such a stream indeed isnecessary, if the vigor and vitality of Liberia is to bemaintained; new blood is desirable—whether welcomeor not. Know-nothing-ism is not confined toLiberia or to any one place. In the United States wehave a condition which is comparable to that whichLiberia presents. Here, too, the old population isbarely holding its own, if it is doing so; the oldfamilies of New England and the eastern seaboardhave largely run to seed; it is absolutely necessarythat a great and steady immigration of Europeanwhites pour in to maintain our life by the infusion ofnew blood. Such immigration of course is not welcomedby our “true Americans”. If rigid exclusioncould be practiced, we should soon face a conditionmuch like that of France. If we are to live andoccupy a significant place among the nations of theworld, we must accept this constant incoming ofpopulation from outside. The mixture of these newcomerswith our own people, fa*gged and worn out bynew and unfavorable conditions, produces a new stockwith sufficient vigor to carry on our national development.The hope of Liberia lies largely in a considerableimmigration of black people from our southernstates.

One of the most serious dangers of Liberia lies inits isolation; it needs contact; everything that tendstoward an increase of contact with the outside worldis good. Liberia needs ideas, friends, interchange;otherwise stagnation is inevitable—and death. Shemust receive these aids either from Europe or fromAmerica; she will of course receive them from both;but the source of the greater part of her inspirationand ideals must be on this side of the Atlantic and[198]from our people of color. Immigration from America,whether small or great, must necessarily be helpful.If great and constant, difficulties will be lightenedand helpful bonds strengthened.

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If the temporary management in the hands of others of apart of our governmental machinery will result in actual andpermanent independence and international respect, which Ifirmly believe will be the outcome, then it becomes our imperativeduty as patriotic citizens to make such a necessary andnoble sacrifice.—Daniel E. Howard.

THE FOREIGN DEBT OF THE REPUBLIC.

THE LOAN OF 1870.

On January 26, 1870, the Legislature authorizedPresident Edward J. Roye to negotiate a loan notexceeding £100,000, at not more than 7 per cent interest;the bonds were to run for fifteen years, andthree years’ interest advanced might be deducted.Of the sum to be received upon this loan £20,000 wasto be used in buying up all the checks, scripts, currencydebentures, and government paper of whateverkind then afloat; £20,000 more was to be depositedsecurely as a basis for the issue of a papercurrency in what were to be known as TreasuryNotes; the balance of the proceeds of the loan was tobe deposited in some reliable bank as an emergencyfund to be drawn upon at need by special act of theLegislature.

At the time when this action of the Legislaturewas taken, President Roye was about to go to England;it was supposed that he would attend to thebusiness while in London, and that considerableexpense would be saved to the nation by his personalattention to the details of the arrangement; for somereason or other, he did not take up the matter whilehe was absent. On his return to Monrovia, however,he proceeded to secure the loan. He appointed DavidChinery, at that time consul for Liberia in London,Henry V. Johnson, Sr., and W. S. Anderson, commissioners—the[200]two latter being sent to London forthe purpose—to negotiate the loan. President Royeshould of course have submitted this whole matter tothe Legislature; there was considerable objection tothe loan, and no serious steps should have been takenregarding it without the authorization of the legislativebody. The commissioners succeeded in negotiatingthe loan for £100,000 at 7 per cent interest, at30 per cent below par; three years’ interest werededucted from the £70,000, leaving a balance of£49,000 to be placed to the credit of the commissioners.“Then followed,” to quote the words ofPresident Roberts, “a system of charges, speculations,and frauds unparalleled, I presume, in any publicloan transactions of modern times.” No sooner hadthe news of the negotiation reached President Roye,than he commenced to draw against it for himselfand others, not waiting for any part of it to be paidinto the treasury of the Republic for the purposesspecified in the act, and before the Legislature hadaccepted the loan or taken any action in regard to it.More than that, without legislative authority, he sentan order drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury—amember of his own family—approved by himselffor £10,000 value of merchandise, alleging that thiswas on account of the government. Mr. Chinery, infilling this order, sent merchandise invoiced at morethan £14,000, including transportation, shipping-charges,freight, insurance, etc., most of the articlesbeing charged at amounts in excess of their marketvalue, many of them inferior in quality, and somenearly, and others entirely, useless in Liberia. Howmuch was actually realized of this loan no one knows;Sir Harry Johnston says £27,000; Ferguson (fromwhom we draw most of the particulars regarding thistransaction) says £17,903. In return for it, at least£80,000 in bonds were issued—Sir Harry Johnstonsays perhaps the whole £100,000.

The moment was one of political disturbance. In1869 there had been an effort to amend the constitution[201]so as to extend the office of President from aterm of two years to one of four; the effort failed.In May, 1871, when his two years had elapsed, Royeattempted to continue himself in power for two yearslonger; a shadow of an excuse for this usurpation wasfound in this attempted passing of an amendment.This bold coup, together with the dissatisfactionregarding the loan, led to his being hurled frompower. Notice of the disturbed condition of theRepublic was at once sent to the representative ofLiberia in London, and to the bondholders; the newlyestablished government ordered all drafts, etc., formoney received on account of the loan to be stopped,countermanded the orders for goods, and demanded astatu quo until the Legislature should have a chanceto act; legal proceedings were taken against CommissionersJohnson and Anderson; Chinery was dischargedfrom his office as Liberian Consul in London;Mr. John Jackson was appointed Consul-General inhis place and took charge of matters. So palpablewas the mismanagement of this whole transaction inLondon, and so extravagant had been the chargesand other outlays connected with it, that ConsulJackson took legal proceedings to protect the interestsof the Republic.

Through a period of almost thirty years, the matterof this loan was constantly agitated, and it wasonly in 1898 that the Liberian Consul, Henry Hayman,was able to bring about a final arrangement ofthe unhappy affair. At that time the Liberian Governmentrecognized its responsibility to the amountof £80,000; it agreed to begin payment at once uponthe bonds—paying interest at the rate of 3 per centthe first three years, 4 per cent for the followingthree years, and 5 per cent thereafter until both theprincipal and interest be fully paid; after that, theback interests would be assumed at 5 per cent. Sincethis adjustment, the Liberian Government has regularlyand honorably met its interest payments. SirHarry Johnston, in his great work on Liberia, speaks[202]vigorously and frankly regarding this loan of1870, which was a disgraceful operation for Britishfinanciers.

THE LOAN OF 1906.

It is curious that, in connection with the nextfinancial undertaking of the Republic, which waslittle, if any, more satisfactory than the loan of 1870,Sir Harry himself should have played a significantpart. When President Barclay and his companionswere in London in 1906, they made arrangements fora new loan, also of £100,000. An interview was heldat the office of Consul-General Hayman, at whichwere present Sir Harry H. Johnston, chairman ofthe Liberian Development Co., Limited, togetherwith some of this company’s officers, Mr. Clark of theForeign Office, Emil Erlanger, and Consul Hayman.Mr. Erlanger represented the brokers through whomthe Liberian Development Co. were to secure a loanof £100,000 for the benefit of Liberia. Excellentdiscussions of this loan by Mr. Ellis, who was so longconnected with our Legation at Monrovia, and Mr.Scott, who was a member of the United States Commissionin 1909, have been printed. It is from thesearticles that we draw our details.

The proceeds of the loan of 1906 were to be appliedin the following manner: (a) $25,000 was to be usedfor pressing Liberian obligations; (b) $125,000 was tobe employed in the payment of domestic debts; (c)$35,000 was to be loaned to the Liberian DevelopmentCo.; (d) the balance was to be devoted to thedevelopment of banking, and for road schemes bythe Liberian Development Co. in Liberia. As securityfor this loan, two British officials, as chief andassistant inspectors of customs, were to have chargeof the Liberian customs revenue; the chief inspectorwas to act also as financial adviser to the Republic;$30,000 annually (in semi-annual payments) was tobe turned in as interest until the whole loan was repaid;10 per cent of any excess over $250,000 in[203]customs revenue per year was to be received by theLiberian Development Co. The “company wascharged with the responsibility of returning the loanto Erlanger and Co. by the payment of 50 per cent ofthe net profits derived from the exercise of the powersand privileges of the charter of the former company,together with profits from the banking and roadschemes to be undertaken in Liberia.”

The loan was actually applied as follows: (a) tothe extinguishment of domestic debts, £30,000; (b)loaned to the Liberian Development Co., £7000; (c)in carrying out road schemes, £32,776.11.3; (d) obtainedby Liberia on ratification of tripartite agreementof 1908, £30,223.8.9; total, £100,000.

Friction soon arose in the administration of thecustoms. The Liberian Development Co. constructedfifteen miles of automobile road in the CareysbergDistrict, bought a small steam launch for the St.Paul’s River, and purchased two automobiles; itthen announced that its road fund was completelyexhausted, after having spent, on an ordinary dirtroad, about $163,882. Liberian dissatisfaction wasgreat, and question was raised regarding the “balanceof the £70,000 which had been entrusted withoutsecurity to the management of the company.”In the investigation which followed in an attempt torearrange affairs, considerable feeling appears to havebeen shown. Sir Harry Johnston had repeatedlyignored the requests of President Barclay for anaccounting by his company; in the interview in whichefforts at adjustment were made, he is said to haveconducted himself in a supercilious manner and tohave expressed his surprise “that the Presidentshould have required the company to furnish himwith a statement of accounts, and disclaimed anyresponsibility for the manner in which the moneyhad been expended”. Under the tripartite arrangementwhich was entered into between the Governmentof Liberia, Erlanger and Co., and the LiberianDevelopment Co., Chartered and Limited, it was[204]finally arranged that “Liberia assume direct responsibilityto Messrs. Erlanger and Co. for the loan of1906, and, aside from obtaining some advantages inthe new Agreement, secured from the Liberian DevelopmentCo. the residue of the loan, amounting to£30,223.8.9, and practically dispensed with the futureservices of this company in the solution of the newLiberian problems.”

Mr. Emmett Scott makes some pertinent observationsin connection with this affair. He says: “SirHarry Johnston, in his book, quite spiritedly criticizesthe agreements under the loan of 1871. It ishard to determine, however, how less one-sided theywere than those of his own benevolent corporation,even if his company had in perfect good faith carriedout their part of the bargain. The suggestion thatthe customs should be collected by European experts,Englishmen being understood, introduced, of course,the feature of external control into the customs service... of the so-called experts sent to Liberiaunder the agreement, the first one’s selection was, tosay the least, unfortunate. He all but confessed hisutter failure after two or three months to understandwhat he was about, although he had been granted asalary of about $3500 a year, much more than he hadreceived in the British service in Sierra Leone. Thesecond one appointed has developed into a somewhatcapable official, although his chief claim to beingcalled an expert was, it is said, that he had successfullyraised oranges in California. He was certainlyno customs expert, and, I learn, had probably neverbeen inside of a customs house. He received £500 ayear. The present chief inspector of customs is awholly efficient man, but while doing similar serviceat Freetown, Sierra Leone, the neighboring country,he received a salary of £300 or $1500 a year, whilethe Liberians are called upon to pay him a salary of£1000, or $5000 a year. This salary, perhaps I shouldstate, is twice that received by the President of theRepublic. Efforts to reduce this salary to £700 or[205]$3500 have recently been made, but with what successI cannot chronicle.”

Again: “The company’s high-handed manner ofexpending the money on hand, however, engenderedso much bad blood, that at last President Barclayapplied to Sir Harry Johnston, managing director ofthe Liberian Development Co., for an accounting.The latter, it is said, expressed the greatest surprisethat such a demand should be made upon him, anddisclaimed any and all responsibility to the LiberianGovernment for the way in which the money had beenor was to be expended. He persistently refused torender any accounts until he found the position hemaintained was so untenable that he could notdepend upon his government for support; he alsofound that President Barclay was about to sever allrelations with his company, maintaining, in theabsence of any accounting, that the Government ofLiberia would hold itself responsible only for thecash actually received. About $200,000 of the amountraised on the credit of the government, it is said, hadbeen frittered away on badly managed schemes.”

And finally: “In dismissing this loan of 1906, mayI say that no one now contends that the LiberianDevelopment Co. has, or has had, any money asidefrom that raised on the Government’s credit; to-dayit is practically bankrupt. The relations between theGovernment and the Company have been severed,and under the agreement of 1908 with Messrs.Erlanger, London, the Liberian Government isresponsible for the whole loan.”

THE AMERICAN LOAN.

Conditions became desperate; there were now twoobligations to British creditors, each for a handsomesum, and both drawing interest; more than that, therehad grown up a considerable domestic debt; realbankruptcy seemed to threaten the nation. As aresult of the visit of the American Commission toLiberia in 1909, the United States used its good[206]offices in favor of the Republic, and arrangementswere perfected whereby certain banking institutionsof the United States, Germany, France, and GreatBritain furnished the Republic of Liberia with a loanof $1,700,000; this loan was to be used in the paymentof its domestic and foreign debts. According tothe official report of the Commission, the public debtof Liberia in 1909 amounted to the sum of $1,289,570.60.Mr. George W. Ellis has prepared an excellentpaper regarding this loan, and from it weabbreviate our own statement. In order to securethe loan, the Liberian customs revenues are temporarilyto be placed in charge of a customs receivership,with a general receiver appointed from theUnited States by the President, and holding officeduring his pleasure, and three receivers, one eachfrom Great Britain, Germany, and France, appointedby, and holding office during the pleasure of, theirrespective governments. As further security for theloan, the revenues from exports and imports, dutieson rubber, and all head moneys are pledged. Fiveper cent gold bonds in denominations of $1000, $500,and $100, for a period of forty years, interest andprincipal payable in New York, are to be issued by theLiberian Government. The Liberian revenues subjectto the loan are transferred for its service andare termed “assigned revenues”; these assigned revenuesare in charge of the receivership. The majorityof the receivers have the power to suspend customsofficials, make temporary appointments, make rulesand regulations relative to the assigned revenues;they have a right to adequate patrol for land and sea,and in case such is not furnished, to supply it themselves.The general receiver has a salary of $5000,the others, $2500. A monthly report of accounts is tobe rendered to the government. As a condition of theloan, the frontier police force is to be maintained;the President of the United States is to assign trainingofficers, to be paid from the assigned revenues.The General Receiver is also the Financial Adviser of[207]the Liberian Government; he is to systematize thefinances of Liberia; and to approve statements beforesubmission to the legislature. Appropriations mustnot overrun the revenues; after the legislature adjourns,the President, Secretary of the Treasury, andthe Financial Adviser must revise the appropriationsif they have overrun; their act is binding to the Secretaryof the Treasury. The Financial Adviser co-operateswith the government in establishing economicaland efficient administration and expenditure. Thedebts of the Republic are to be at once paid—by bondswhere the creditors chose to receive them. Thebankers are to receive for their services their out-of-pocketexpenses, legal charges, commission on theface value of the 5 per cent bonds, and 5 per centon the bonds purchased by themselves. Residue bondsare to be held by the fiscal agents to meet approved,unadjusted indebtedness: final residue bonds will besold and the money paid to Liberia for publicimprovements approved by the General Receiver. Inorder that this agreement should go into effect, it wasnecessary that the Liberian Legislature should passall necessary measures of approval before January 1,1912. This was done. There was some delay infinally placing the funds at the disposition of theLiberian Government, but at present everything hasbeen arranged and the new loan is in effect. Thisarrangement caused general joy throughout theRepublic; it was felt not only that it released thepeople from a heavy and dangerous obligation tounfriendly creditors, but that it probably began aperiod of closer relationship between the UnitedStates and Liberia. It is possible that too much of afeeling of security existed. It is likely that more joywas felt over the receipt of $1,700,000 than ofresponsibility for its ultimate repayment. On thewhole, it must be admitted that the loan is favorableto the Republic. The government has realized amuch larger percentage of actual funds than in anyof its preceding financial undertakings. There are,[208]however, some weak points in the plan. It is unfortunatethat the loan was theoretically made throughbanks of different nations; as a matter of fact, itwas an American enterprise, and should have been soin word as well. There is no reason why foreignnations should be interested—except indeed thatGreat Britain should experience a sentiment of joyin having the interests of her citizens secured. Thesum of $1,700,000 is so small that it could have beeneasily supplied by American houses and considered alittle matter with no actual political relations. Thatthe loan should have been secured by a receivership isjust, but it would have been much better to haveappointed a single American receiver instead of fourmen of different nations. In this internationalreceivership there lies considerable danger. Frictionis likely. France, England, Germany are suspiciousof each other. The simplest act is liable to misconstruction,and one or another of the three sub-receiversis likely to feel his dignity and that of hisnation affected, and squabbles are certain to arise.The American receiver, as is proper, is given theposition of leadership. Suppose he were to die or beunfit for service; which of the other three receiverswill take his place? There appears to be no arrangementmade for such a contingency, yet it is quitecertain to arise, and if it should, the man who temporarilyassumes the duties, will be particularly likelyto find himself in trouble. The question as to locationof the four receivers may some time or other raisedifficulties. Suppose, for example, the Britishreceiver were placed at Cape Mount, adjacent toBritish territory, and the French receiver were to belocated at Cape Palmas, close to French authority;opportunity for unfaithfulness to the Republic wouldbe very great. There is nothing in the history of thepast to warrant us in assuming that these officialswould be men of such high spirit and principle as toresist temptation. The possibility of difficultiesbetween the General Receiver and the Liberian Government[209]is also very great. He is given large powers;unless he is a man of extraordinary ability and well-balancedcharacter, it is certain that complicationswill arise; there will be constant risk of his inter-meddlingin every field of governmental affairs. Someof these difficulties of course are inherent in areceivership, and as a receivership is absolutely necessary,their risk must be accepted.

On the whole, the American loan should be a greathelp to Liberia. Friends of the Republic hope forthe best results. The government is given a breathingspell, and time and opportunity for the re-adjustmentof its economic interests. There is no danger,if the receivership is competent, but that the incomeof the nation will easily carry the loan with all itsobligations, and leave ample funds in balance for thelegitimate enterprises of the government. It isreasonable to hope that Liberia has entered upon aperiod of prosperity.

[210]

Yes, I say these were but slaves who gave us the Declarationof Independence. They were but slaves who framed our Constitution,they were but slaves who combatted with the odds oflife, amidst wars, devastation, and foreign aggressions to holdintact for us and for our children this home of ours.—S. D.Ferguson, Jr.

POLITICS.

We have hesitated long about undertaking this discussionof Liberian politics. We are almost certainto be misunderstood, no matter what we say or howwe say it. In Liberia they will feel that we lacksympathy, that we drag forth their weaknesses andexpose them to public scorn; in this country they willfail to see that the weak points of Liberian politicsare common to all republics, that they are as flagrantamong ourselves as in Liberia; in foreign lands—shouldour book be read in such—what we say willbe taken as justification for continued aggressionand interference. We wish that Liberia were a landof general education; that the whole population hada clear understanding of the duties of citizenship;that knowledge of public questions were general.Such conditions are ideal in a republic. We do notfind them in Liberia; we do not find them here.Liberian politics is patterned on our own; its weaknessesare our weaknesses. It is easy for us to seeits faults because we are an outside party; becausewe are rich and they are poor; because we are whiteand they are black. In Liberia there is a generaldesire to feed at the public trough; it makes no differencewhat a man is or what he has accomplished,every one is ready to go into politics; neither trade,agriculture, nor professional life restrains a manwho has political opportunities presented to him;[211]everybody of ability wants office. This is unfortunate;it is neither strange, unique, nor blameworthy.Every official, however, has a list of dependents;once in office, he must provide for others; thenumber of brothers, sons, nephews, and cousins ofofficials who find some clerkship or small appointmentis relatively large. As almost every office inthe Republic, save that of representatives and senators,is appointed by the President, it is very easyfor one who holds office to practice nepotism. It isand will be a long time before anything like actualcivil service can find a place in Liberia. Such acondition of course leads to little activity in the doingof work for the Government; the less a man can doto earn his salary, the better, so long as he is certainof his job. We have already called attention to thefact, quoting from Ellis, that there is relatively littleof what we know as party politics in Liberia. Practicallythere are no well marked political platformsbased on principles. If, perchance, hostility to thepowers that be threatens to become dangerous, itmay be checked by skilful appointment from theopposition to office. Thus, at the last election, whichwas the most bitterly fought for many years, it wasclaimed that the defeated candidate, J. J. Dossen,would never be heard of in politics again; such,however, was not the case; he must be provided for,in order that his later course might not threaten theexisting status; being without a job, he receivedappointment to the presidency of Liberia College—amere temporary arrangement of course; he is nowChief Justice of the Supreme Court.

There are, however, personal likes and dislikeswhich will vent themselves in outbursts of partyspirit. The last election was really furious. Itvoiced the local jealousies of the whole Republic.Just as in the state of Illinois it is Chicago againstthe counties, and as in New York State it is the Cityof New York against the upstate districts: so, inLiberia, it is Monrovia against the counties. The[212]election was really close after an exciting campaign.Charges of fraud were bitterly advanced. Accordingto the African League, there were wild doings in BassaCounty where it is printed. We refrain from reallyquoting the interesting and exciting passages from itsarticle, but venture to give here its opening paragraphs:

“As the day of election approached, great preparationswere made by the Government and the Governmentofficials to defeat the National True WhigParty at any cost, and in any manner. They sentmoney in every direction to call unqualified namelessbushmen to come, and put into the hands of theSheriff a paper which is worth only so much gin andrum to the bushmen. These bush people had neverseen, nor heard of, the registrar’s office. Neither dothey own any land in contemplation of law, butHoward people, simply because they have had theGovernment’s approval in this corruption, hadplanned to force the corruption into the polls.

The people who stand for law and order sentwhite plates to all the native chiefs, after the customsof the heathen, telling them to have nothing todo with the matter in which they are not concernedand know nothing about.

The Government people threatened that theywould vote these bush people or die. The peopleknew what that meant, and they began to preparefor the worst, for they were determined that the lawshould not be trampled under foot in that way totheir prejudice, and that, too, by those who are theadministrators of the law. On Monday, the first ofMay, a host of these uncivilized bush people, headedby Major Horace, flocked into the upper ward ofBuchanan, well armed with the best guns of the Government,and that night shooting in the streets wasa common thing. Near Lower Buchanan, there weredifferent bands of these wild, bush people in campcarrying on their savage plays. In Lower Buchananat the Vai town, the hideous noise was kept up all[213]night, apparently as a menace to the citizens for thenext day.” On the following day the election tookplace throughout the Republic, resulting in the continuancein power of the interests which for so longhad controlled the destinies of the nation; nine contestedcases were lodged against the House of Representativesand one against the Senate; threats ranhigh, feeling was intense. It is certainly an interestingmoment when more than half the membership ofa house of Congress is in dispute. Yet this excitementwas allayed, and the contests were all withdrawn;it was realized that Congress had importantbusiness before it in connection with the AmericanLoan, and that the future of the Republic would beseriously jeopardized if the time of Congress weretaken up with hearing contest cases instead of dealingwith these outside matters.

There is no question that in Liberia illegal votingis common. The election to which we have referredabove was that of 1911; in 1901 Bishop Fergusonissued a charge to his clergy and lay members uponthe subject of election evils in which the followingwords occur: “The corruptions and wickedness thathave attended the last three or four campaigns arestartling to all right-minded people, and, if continued,no prophet is needed to foretell the disastrousconsequences that will inevitably follow. Electionfrauds, open-handed bribery, and the utter disregardof all moral restraints seem to be the order ofthe day. Those who at other times are recognized asChristian gentlemen, do not scruple on these occasionsto perpetrate offenses that are condemned bothby God’s law and that of the state. To procure theelection of a party man, they lose sight of, or completelydisregard, their standing in the Church, insociety, or the social circle; and will stoop to do themeanest act. What is worse than all, is the fact thatthe evils have become so rife that it appears there arenot to be found innocent citizens enough to punishthe guilty under the laws of the land. And now, to[214]my mind, the worst feature of the thing is the factthat the aborigines—our brothers just emerging fromthe darkness of heathenism—are either coming voluntarily,sought out and persuaded, or actually forcedinto this whirl-pool of corruption and wickedness.It is enough to chill one’s blood to think of theimpression made on their minds, on their inductioninto civilized usages at such time:—jostled through acrowd of men,—ruffians now, though at other timesChristian gentlemen—armed with deadly weapons ofevery description, they are made to swear that theyare constitutionally qualified for the highest privilegeof citizenship under a republican form of government.”

Again in an Independence Day address given byDr. Dingwall at Buchanan in 1910 were these words:“Ignorant and purchasable voters are ruinous to allother republics. Why not to ours likewise? At thepolls the vote of a fool is counted one, and that onetakes the whole of a philosopher’s to cancel it. Nowin Liberia these are chiefly manufactured from thewild heathen, more than ninety-nine in a night. Theprivilege to take a few acres of land and registerhundreds of nameless natives, or on election day tovote each hour the identical bushman, by simplychristening him afresh for each occasion, is a dangerousweapon in the hands of politicians. This practicewould have destroyed democracy, were theseleaders even honest in purpose and patriotic inspirit.”

The seriousness of the situation is that any effort tokeep the native vote from being fraudulently cast, islikely to interfere with the legitimate voting of qualifiedchiefs; the desirability of having those nativeswho are really entitled to the vote exercise theirright of franchise is most important; but to giveunqualified native voters the chance to cast fraudulentballots is bad indeed. Of course this whole questionof illegal voting should hardly shock us; in myown morning paper, the very day when I am writing[215]this, these words appear in prominent head-lines:“Fraud in ballots a Chicago habit Butts Board told.”It is impossible for the pot to call the kettle black.The outside world, however, unaccustomed to thelittle peculiarities of “manhood suffrage,” will nodoubt claim to be sadly shocked; it might even bethat some clean-skirted nation like France or Englandmight hysterically demand reform.

We have elsewhere claimed that the Liberians, too,know graft. Official salaries are very small; why thendoes political office possess such great attraction? Ofcourse position and power count for something; butthere are other solid advantages connected with officein Liberia as well as in other lands. When graftexists in France, Germany, even in respectable andpious England, it is not strange that it exists in theAfrican Republic. More than that, graft is by nomeans confined to civilization; the native in the bushunderstands it both in theory and practice. It wouldbe strange indeed if the descendants of barbaricgrafters, who had been trained in civilized graftthrough a long American experience, should be freefrom graft when conducting their own affairs in anew land as rich by nature as is Liberia. The numberof schemes which are proposed to the LiberianLegislature is very large; many of them are magnificentin their proportions, enterprises, and prospects;what could be more dazzling than the project submitteda few years ago by the Ellsworth Company ofNew York? I do not mean to say that that individualcompany used improper means to influence legislativeaction; but a company with as ambitious plansas they offered, if adequately capitalized, could easilyhave made the whole Legislature rich rather than losetheir opportunity. In the same way Sir WilliamLever, in his effort to secure monopoly or large advantagein the palm-oil product of the Republic would,from a business point of view, be amply justified inmaking it well worth while for the patriots to encouragehis enterprise. Of course, many of these[216]schemes fail totally; many of them never get beyonda paper proposition; in the past, however, the LiberianLegislature has been much too free in givingconcessions with monopolies. While the terms givento the English Rubber Company seemed to leave opportunityfor competitive development of the tradeby others, it practically put all competitors in thepower of the company. Liberia is beginning torealize that in careless granting of monopolies andspecial privileges she has hampered her own freedomand interfered with legitimate development; notlong ago the Government granted a concession toEdgar Allen Forbes and others; it seems to havebeen a legitimate and carefully-thought-out enterprisewhich he submitted; its development would nodoubt be advantageous to the public; but it is foundthat previous concessions were infringed by some ofits terms, and difficulties have arisen. On the whole,it would be much better for Liberia if the propositionssubmitted to it were less pretentious and far-reaching;it is better that she should have fifty differentcompanies operating within her borders, eachwithin a definite field and succeeding within modestlimits, than that everything should be held in thehands of one or two great corporations which, whena moment of difficulty comes, may be able to bringinfluences to bear which will threaten or even destroythe existence of the nation.

Liberian officials quite well know the thing whichwe call junkets. One might almost think himself athome at times. When some crisis arises, and the“Lark” must be sent to a seat of danger, high officials,whose relations to the Government are not suchthat their presence is necessary at the seat of disturbance,take advantage of the opportunity for afine outing. The nation may be in financial difficulty,but good food, good smoking, and good drinks seemeasily provided; such an outing not infrequentlygives the official opportunity to transact private business,for he may have interests near the seat of the[217]disturbance. Junkets are presumably inherent ingovernmental activities of every kind; they are notconfined to democracies, though they are common inthem. Anywhere of course they are undesirable andshould be curbed; nations, especially republics,should not be called upon to supply free outings,free business opportunities, free luxuries to individualsat public cost.

One of the reforms demanded by the British memorandumwas the improvement of the judiciary.Here there was indeed real reason for complaint.Liberia has few well trained lawyers; it was notuncommon for a man to be appointed judge who hadno legal training; there were not infrequent casesof personal and professional misconduct on the partof judges. President Barclay, in his message of 1908,a notable document be it said in passing, says thefollowing: “International attacks upon this (ourjudicial system) commenced some years ago, and themovement was initiated by citizens of the GermanEmpire living in Liberia. But the crisis has beenprecipitated by our people. When the editor of theAfrican League, himself an ex-judge, an attorney atlaw, a citizen, publishes a special edition of his paper,headed “Startling Revelations,” in which the judicialsystem of the country is attacked both in itspersonnel as well as on its administrative side, whenhe describes himself as a scapegoat and martyr, andwhen months pass and no reply to his attack is madeby the persons affected, what conclusion, do youthink, can other communities of the world, havingbusiness interests in Liberia, draw?” In his address,The Impartial Administration of Justice, the Corner-Stoneof a Nation, Justice T. McCants Stewart says:“It can not be denied, however, that our judiciaryto-day is the object of serious charges both by foreignersand our own citizens, and they are chargeswhich demand serious consideration. They can notbe brushed aside. The British Government is notalone in making these charges. Our own people have[218]made them, and our Chief Executive has declared tothe Legislature that evils exist in our judicial systemwhich must be speedily remedied if we desire tostrengthen ourselves as a nation. Gentlemen of theBar: Can we be quiet while our judges are chargedboth at home and abroad with: (1) ignorance; (2)excessive use of intoxicants; (3) the exhibition ofprejudice or passion in the trial of cases; (4) shockingimmorality; (5) accepting retainers from privateparties; (6) sharing moneys as a reward forthe arrest of criminals; (7) accepting bribes?” Thisis specific enough and bad enough. To the credit ofthe nation be it said that reforms have seriously beenundertaken, and the present condition of the judiciaryis greatly improved. It is rather interestingthat we ourselves at this moment are agitatingagainst a corrupt judiciary; it is scarcely likely thatwe are in a condition for stone-throwing.

Of course where there is corruption in the judiciarythere is almost certain to be miscarriage ofjustice. During the time we were in Monrovia, therewas great excitement over the case of Col. Lomaxand Commissioner Cooper. We have already mentionedCol. Lomax. He figured conspicuously in theKanre-Lahun matter, when he gained the undyinghostility of the British; when Major Mackay Cadellwas removed from his position as the head of theFrontier Force, Lomax took charge; he has recentlybeen in the district of the newly acquired BehluTerritory. This is the tract of forest land, of littlevalue, which Great Britain traded to the LiberianGovernment in exchange for the rich and desirableKanre-Lahun district. Poor as that area is, Britainwill never be content to leave it in Liberian possession.In taking over the area, Col. Lomax was sentto the new boundary with soldiers, and CommissionerCooper was sent to aid in delimiting the boundary.Of course there was trouble; there would have beentrouble had Lomax and Cooper been angels. At thetown of Behlu itself, certainly within the new Liberian[219]territory, there was difficulty, and severalLiberian soldiers were killed. All sorts of complaintswere hurried to Monrovia by the Sierra Leone authorities:—Lomaxwas causing difficulties; he and Cooperwere interfering with the delimitation of the boundary;Liberian soldiers, instigated no doubt by Lomax,were tearing down the cairns which marked theboundary line; the British commissioners refused todo anything unless both men were summoned fromthe border, and meantime would charge up the expensesof the commission for the period of their idleness;Col. Lomax was accused of murder—it wasstated that he had killed eight native chiefs. Thesecomplaints were so urgent and serious that the Presidentof the Republic sent orders to Lomax and Cooperto return at once to Monrovia; to these orders noattention was given. The Secretary of State wassent to fetch them, but is said to have stayed in thedistrict, apparently sympathizing in their attitude;it is asserted that the deeds of violence, destructionof cairns, and insulting of British commissioners continuedafter he was on the ground. The Postmaster-Generalwas hurried to the boundary to bring backthe Secretary of State, the Colonel, the Commissioner,and their henchman, Lieutenant Morris,—who, itseems, had been the active agent in the cairn destruction.Some days of inexplicable delay seem to havepassed, when the Secretary of the Treasury, theAssistant Secretary of State, and Capt. Brown (oneof the American officers) were hastened to the sceneof difficulty to get the recalcitrants home. The Secretaryof State, Postmaster-General, Secretary of theTreasury, and Capt. Brown started together for Monrovia;Lomax, Cooper, and Morris were reported tobe already upon their way through the interior tothe capital. Arrived there, Lomax and Cooper werepromptly jailed; less promptly they were broughtto trial. The Attorney-General presented the caseagainst them. Lomax was tried for the murder oftwo native chiefs; Cooper for the murder of a third.[220]The Lomax trial lasted two days; it was before thejury for but ten minutes. He was found not guilty,and was carried in triumph on the shoulders offriends, amidst a great outburst of feeling, from thecourt-house. The Cooper trial came the next day; itwas promptly decided in his favor. There is no questionthat the Behlu difficulty is on; Great Britainwill in some way get back the territory which she sogenerously traded to Liberia; undoubtedly in thediplomatic dealings regarding it much will be madeof this Lomax case; there is not the least doubt thatthe native chiefs were killed; there is no denial thatLomax and Cooper were responsible for the killing;but the trial and its results are good psychology;they were as inevitable as anything could be. Therewas in this case no actual miscarriage of justice;Col. Lomax is a national hero; he embodied thenational aspirations; he represented the nation asa victim of the injustice and greed of Britain throughthe years; his ovation was the result of natural sentiments.It may not be diplomacy; it may not be goodpolitics; but it is in the very nature of humanity.

[221]

The great American government, after a silence, far fromforgetting and abandoning the tender infant cast upon theshores of Africa, has come in our hour of danger to assist uson her strong pinions to a nest of safety. If we but follow herexample and heed her teachings of economy, thrift and industry,and if we are just in our dealings with men and nationswe shall never escape her vigilant eye, nor cease to be theobject of marked manifestation of interest on her part.—DanielE. Howard.

THE APPEAL TO THE UNITED STATES.

In 1908 Liberian conditions were desperate.England and France had been alternately slicingoff territory; debts were weighing the nation down,and creditors were pressing; reforms were insolentlydemanded under threats. The future indeed wasdark. In her hour of desperation, Liberia turned tothe United States. The idea of seeking aid fromus seems to have been first voiced by T. McCantsStewart in January, 1908. A Commission was appointedby the Legislature—consisting of GarretsonW. Gibson, J. J. Dossen, and Charles B. Dunbar, withCharles R. Branch and T. J. R. Faulkner as secretaries.Garretson W. Gibson had been President ofthe Republic and was a man well on in years andgenerally respected; J. J. Dossen was at the timeVice-President; Charles B. Dunbar is a successfuland well trained lawyer. On its way to the UnitedStates the Commission visited Germany, where itwas well received and officially entertained in thecapital city, Berlin. On its arrival in New York inMay, Charles Hall Adams, of Boston, Consul-Generalfor Liberia in this country, and Booker T. Washingtonreceived them and attended to the details of theirvisit. They spent several days in New York andvisited Tuskegee, but, of course, spent most of their[222]time in the city of Washington. They were receivedby President Roosevelt on the 10th of June, had severalimportant interviews with Secretary Root, andwere introduced to Secretary Taft—just before theRepublican Convention was held which nominatedhim for the presidency of the United States. Theywere everywhere treated with distinguished courtesyand everywhere made a remarkably favorable impression;the newspapers gave considerable space totheir visit and quite a general interest was arousedin their errand. A notable reception was given intheir honor in Washington by the Negro BusinessLeague. Before they left New York, Secretary Tafthad received his nomination, and one of their lastofficial acts was the sending of a letter of congratulationto him.

The Commission arrived at home in August, 1909.An official reception was given them on the 18th byPresident Barclay. The address of welcome wasgiven by the Secretary of State, F. E. R. Johnson,and other addresses by Acting Mayor Roberts andPostmaster-General Prout. Replies were made byGibson, Dossen, Dunbar, and Faulkner. It is significantthat in these addresses more emphasis waslaid upon the subject of negro education in theUnited States than upon other matters. Both thenand while in this country, Vice-President Dossenespecially emphasized the importance of immigration;he wants 600,000 negroes from America to settlein Liberia, and claims that the people of Liberia feelthat they are holding their territory in trust for thismass of immigrants. Music and refreshments weresupplied and a speech of congratulation given byPresident Barclay. Of course nothing definite at thistime could be said in regard to the actual results ofthe Commission’s visit; no one knew just what impressionhad been made upon our Government; noone knew just what to expect in the way of action.

Our Government, however, had seriously takenLiberian matters under advisem*nt, and on the 4th[223]of March, 1909, an American Commission was appointedto visit Liberia and to investigate Liberianconditions. The Commissioners were Roland P.Falkner, George Sale, and Emmett J. Scott, withGeorge A. Finch as secretary. The Commissionsailed on April 24th, 1909, and arrived in Monroviaon the 8th of May. They spent thirty days in Liberiaand Sierra Leone. The work they had to do waswisely divided up among the members of the Commission,in order to permit their accomplishing theutmost in the short time at their disposition.

Their arrival at Liberia was hailed with joy. Inanticipation of their coming the legislators had comefrom all the counties to Monrovia and were in thecapital before the arrival of the Commission. Thecruiser Chester arrived in front of Monrovia on themorning of May 8th, and at once saluted with twenty-oneguns; the salute was returned by the Liberiansfrom the shore. Ernest Lyon, the American Minister,at once boarded the vessel. When he returned,the Attorney-General with a party of citizens wenton board to escort the Commissioners to the shore.The city was gaily decorated. The Mayor, CommonCouncil, and a crowd of citizens met the Commissionersat the landing where, under the first arch ofwelcome, the acting Mayor made an address. Mr.Falkner replied on behalf of the Commission. Twocompanies of the militia escorted the Commission upthe hill to the second arch, where Mrs. Parker addressedthem on behalf of the Liberian ladies. Saleresponded, after which Mrs. McGill spoke on behalfof the county of Grand Bassa. At the third archMiss Irene A. Gant received them on behalf of SinoeCounty, and Miss Matilda Roberts on behalf of MarylandCounty. Passing now to the American legation,they were officially received by the American Minister.Few public occasions in the history of Monroviaequal this reception, which fairly deserves tobe called a popular ovation. On the 13th, PresidentBarclay offered the Commission an official reception[224]at which the President and the Cabinet, the Commissionand attachés, and the United States Ministerwith his Secretary were present. In the afternoonof the 12th, a general reception was given at theExecutive Mansion. During their stay in Africa, theCommission visited Grand Bassa and Maryland, andin both regions they were treated with distinguishedcourtesy. The report of the Commission sent to theSenate and House of Representatives by PresidentTaft on March 25th, 1910, was an exceptionally goodpublic document. The Commission recognized theimportance of the work entrusted to it and did itswork with thoroughness. They made six recommendationsto our government. They were as follows:(1) That the United States extend its aid to Liberiain the prompt settlement of pending boundary disputes.(2) That the United States enable Liberiato refund its debt by assuming as guarantee for thepayment of obligations under such arrangement thecontrol and collection of the Liberian customs. (3)That the United States lend its assistance to theLiberian Government in the reform of its internalfinances. (4) That the United States lend its aidto Liberia in organizing and drilling an adequateconstabulary or frontier police force. (5) That theUnited States should establish and maintain a researchstation in Liberia. (6) That the United Statesre-open the question of a naval coaling station inLiberia. Some of these recommendations the UnitedStates has carried through. She has made the loannecessary for the refunding of the public debt; sheis lending assistance to the Liberian Government inthe reform of internal finances; she is aiding Liberiain the organization and drilling of her frontier force.These are good things, and it is to be hoped that theywill prove as helpful as has been anticipated. Weshould help Liberia, and help her handsomely; shedeserves all that we can do for her. We must be careful,of course, in our assistance, not to accustom her to thenotion of dependency. Muscle can only be developed[225]in a body by the exercise of that body itself. Nobeing can develop muscle for another. Liberia, ifshe is to prosper, must develop energy, force, independence;she needs help but must work out her ownsalvation. Exercise to be valuable must not be adeath struggle; we must protect her from her foes,but we must insist upon her self-development. Thereare, however, still many things that we can do forthe Republic without reducing her to a condition ofdependency and pauperization.

We should energize every already existing bondbetween us. There are already missions establishedin the Republic; these should be handsomely maintained,without forgetting that the ultimate end isthe production of self-supporting churches; the needsof missions and mission-schools should be carefullyexamined by the different Boards and liberal appropriationsmade to meet them; it is desirable that thePresbyterian denomination—so rich, respectable, andself-satisfied—should really look after its “littleflock of humble black folk” with their splendid opportunitybefore them. The Boards which hold fundsfor the benefit of Liberia College should seriouslyrecognize the importance of their responsibility; theyshould investigate with care, and act promptly andliberally; they must devise some method of moreeffective co-operation with the local management forgaining the great ends possible by combined action.There are funds in the United States intended to aidLiberia, which are tied up and have been tied up formany years through some unfortunate condition inthe terms of the bequest; such funds, if possible,should be put to work; if they are actually unavailable,it is best that a final decision be reached, andpublic announcement be made of the unfortunatefact; it is better that Liberia should not be keptwaiting in hope of aid that never comes. A considerableinterest was aroused in the United States bythe visit of the Commission in 1908; this interest was[226]shown in the newspapers of the day; it is greatly tobe desired that the American people should be keptconstantly informed as to Liberia; information shouldnot be spasmodically given out, but there should bea definite, constant spreading of facts regarding theRepublic, whose heroic struggle deserves our firm andsteady sympathy. The need was never greater for aregular line of shipping between the two Republicsthan now; this has been already sufficiently considered.It would be a fine philanthropy to establishand conduct such a line of communication fora period of time, even at a loss; in the long run, theline would lose its philanthropic feature and becomea fairly paying business proposition. It is most importantthat the contact between the two nations beincreased; Liberians have occasionally come to usunder various circ*mstances; more Americans incourse of time visit Liberia than the public generallyknows; every opportunity of inviting Liberians tothis country as students, delegates, visitors, businessrepresentatives, should be encouraged; and it shouldbecome a simple, natural, and frequent thing forAmericans to visit the black Republic. Lastly, ourgovernment should adopt a clear and definite policyof sympathy; if we make it well understood that welook upon Liberia as related to us, and that we willpermit no further injustice, we need have no fearsof being involved in international difficulties on heraccount; the cry “hands off” will be sufficient. Letus quit internationalizing her problems. They arejustly questions between us and her; they concernno other nation. But do not let us ever think ofabsorbing the Republic; let us guarantee her independence;we do not wish a protectorate; wehave too many different kinds of national relationsnow; Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico, Cuba, Santo Domingo,Nicaragua, and the Philippines make ourgovernmental policy to-day sufficiently complex. Wewant no more new and strange relations. Liberia is[227]our sister nation—daughter, if you please—and verydefinitely such. She is brunette, but her virtues areour virtues, her vices are our vices. Let us admit andemphasize the kinship.

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REPRINTED ARTICLES.

THE LIBERIAN CRISIS.
(Unity. March 25, 1909.)

In closing my The Truth about the Congo, I said: “If itis necessary for us as a nation to look for African adventure;if to give a strenuous President the feeling that he is ‘doingsomething’ we must meddle in the affairs of the Dark Continent,there is a district where we might intervene with more of reasonand consistency and grace than we are doing by going to theCongo. We once established on African soil, whether wisely ornot I do not intend to discuss, a free republic for the blacks.In Liberia we have an American enterprise, pure and simple.It has not been a great success. It is just possible—though Idoubt it—that Liberia would at several times have profited andbeen advantaged by our instruction and interest. But it seemsto possess little interest for us. Just now, like the Congo, itis attracting British attention. Whether it has large or littlevalue, whether it possesses great opportunities or not, it is nowa center of interest to Great Britain. She does not need ourhelp in pulling chestnuts from the fire there, and there has beenstrange silence and ignorance in this country regarding it as anew sphere for English influence. If we assist England in expandingher African possessions at the expense of the CongoFree State, Liberia will be the next fraction of Africa to succumbto English rule. England’s methods of procedure arevarious. It might be a useful lesson for our statesmen andpoliticians to study Liberia’s prospects with care. We are stillyoung in the business of grabbing other people’s lands. Englandcould teach us many lessons. The latest one may well beworthy of our attention, since, in a certain sense, it deals witha district where we naturally possess an interest.”

At the time, these suggestions caused some surprise. Americanswere (and are) totally ignorant regarding Liberia andfelt that my remarks were due to prejudice. I have no prejudiceagainst England, from which my ancestry chiefly came. Afew months have proved the truth of my predictions. In Maylast a Commission appointed by the Liberian government calledupon President Roosevelt and begged the intervention of theUnited States for the purpose of guaranteeing independenceand “integrity against the encroachments of powerful European[230]governments.” Among the reasonable ideas urged bythis Commission was that disputes between Liberia and France,Germany and England should be settled by arbitration and notby a resort to force. We wisely refused to establish a protectorateover Liberia, but our government agreed to use its goodoffices with England, France and Germany. Considerable correspondenceseems to have taken place and some interest relativeto Liberia has been aroused. But on the whole no seriousprogress has been made and a few days since the newspaperscontained the following item:

“Washington, D. C., Feb. 12.—Cable advices received at thestate department today indicate that a climax has been reachedin the Liberian situation. Conditions are grave, and great alarmis felt by foreign officials in Liberian employ.

“A British gunboat has arrived to afford protection toforeign interests and a company of soldiers has been sent fromSierra Leone to the capitol at Monrovia for the same purpose.Apparently great despondency is entertained as to the abilityof the government to maintain itself and as to the future ofLiberia as a nation.”

The notice closed with these words:

“The cable today called attention to the effort of the statedepartment, inaugurated by Secretary Root, to secure an appropriationof $20,000 to enable the president to send to Liberiaa commission with a view to reporting recommendations as tothe specific action this government should take which wouldconstitute the most effective measures of relief. Secretary Rootanticipated the development of conditions which would menaceseriously the future of Liberia, which was established as a directresult of the action, first, of American citizens, and, secondly, ofthe government of the United States.”

What can we do? What should we do? First; we shouldnotify Great Britain, France and Germany that encroachmentupon Liberian sovereignty will be considered an unfriendly actby us; that coercion ought not to be used in the collection ofdebts, even though Liberia did not take part in the Hague Conferenceof 1907. Second; we should use our good offices to bringabout definite arrangements between Liberia and the Europeannations for arbitration of all points at issue between them.Third; we should under no circ*mstances attempt to make amodel government for her, nor should we insist upon reformsalong our lines, but we should appoint an advisory commissionof thoughtful and well-balanced men, who shall thoroughly investigateconditions and stand ready to give asked advice whenneedful upon points of importance. This commission should beretained for several years and should be non-partisan. So muchwe can and should do.

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THE NEEDS OF LIBERIA.
(The Open Court. March, 1913.)

The situation of Liberia is critical. Her long-troublingboundary questions with Great Britain and France are not permanentlysettled; they have been re-opened and both countriesare pressing.

We did well to come to her financial aid; but we did badly inneedlessly inflicting upon her an expensive and complicatedinternational receivership instead of an economical, simple andnational one.

Liberia’s crying needs are:

a. Training of her native frontier force to protect herboundaries and maintain order there;

b. Development of existing trails, with their ultimate transformationinto roads and railroad beds;

c. Restoration and development of agriculture—nowneglected;

d. Education, especially along lines of manual and technicaltraining.

Liberia’s greatest asset is her native population; only byimbuing it with the feeling of common interest and by securingits hearty co-operation can the government of Africa’s onlyrepublic hope to maintain itself and prosper.

A SOJOURNER IN LIBERIA.
(The Spirit of Missions. April, 1913.)

Anxious to see all possible of Liberia, we gladly acceptedBishop Ferguson’s invitation to visit Bromley and to inspectthe work done at the Julia C. Emery Hall. On reaching thelanding at Monrovia at 8 a. m. we found the mission steamer,the John Payne, ready. Our party consisted of ex-PresidentBarclay, ex-Postmaster-General Blount, Justice T. McCantsStewart of the Supreme Court, Major Young, U. S. A., militaryattaché of the American Legation, Mayor Johnson, the Rev.Mr. Cassell and Bishop Ferguson—all residents of Liberia—myphotographer and myself. He and I were the only whitemen. Of the colored men some were born in Liberia, others inthe United States—North and South—one at least in the BritishWest Indies. Ex-President Arthur Barclay is by many consideredto be the ablest man of Liberia; he has had a wide experienceand has gained exceptional knowledge of Liberian needsand problems. Mayor Johnson is one of the sons of the latePresident Johnson, who was the first “son of the soil” to occupythe presidential chair of the negro republic. BishopFerguson, born in South Carolina, has lived so many years inCape Palmas and Monrovia that no one ever thinks of him as[232]aught but a Liberian. He is a man of energy and ideas andhis work speaks for his efficiency. We were soon off, and forthree hours steamed up the river, a typical, tropical Africanstream. A dense tangle of mangroves extends far out from theshore on both sides, over the water, completely concealing theactual land; the trunks rise from pyramids of exposed roots;from the branches, slender shoots, round-tipped, strike verticallydown, penetrate the water, force their way into the soft, oozymud of the river bottom, take root and aid in spreading thetangled growth still further out over the water. Here and therestraight gashes are cut into this mass of crowded trees to serveas landing-channels for native canoes. The first part of ourjourney was up a branch stream, the St. Paul’s River branchingnear its mouth and entering the sea by more than the singleoutlet. As we approached the main river, the mangrove thicketthinned, and the most striking feature in the vegetation wasthe dragon-palm. It, too, rises from a pyramidal mass of exposedroots, but in form and foliage it is totally unlike the mangrove;its long narrow leaves lead to its being often calledthe sword-palm. Here we could often look back over the land,and saw oil-palms with their delicate, graceful crowns outlinedagainst the blue sky—truly blue sky, for by October 15 theperiod of rains is practically over. We had passed settlements,here and there, upon the way; single houses of “Liberians,” orlittle clusters of “native” huts; New Georgia, on our right,is quite a village but seems to bear an indifferent reputation—dueperhaps to its history; it was settled with slaves rescuedfrom slaving-vessels and such slaves were rarely considered asequals, in the old days, by the colonists.

When we reached the main river, the whole character of thescenery changed. The river itself was wider; the banks werecleaner and the flat land stood higher; the mangrove swampsdisappeared; plantations showing considerable attention wereto be seen here and there. While we had chatted and viewedthe scene the Bishop had not been idle, and the smiling blackboy now passed an abundant supply of sandwiches and slicedcake, daintily wrapped in paper and tied with narrow ribbons,all prepared beforehand by Mrs. Ferguson. Served with lemonand strawberry soda-water they were a welcome refreshment.

We had been so fully occupied that we had hardly noticedthat three hours had passed when we saw Bromley ahead. Thebuilding stands on a level terrace well above the river. It issaid to be the largest in Liberia; whether so or not, it is aspacious, plain, well-built construction, admirably adapted toits purpose. Its architect and master builder, Mr. Scott, metus at the landing. He is a native of pure blood, a Grebo fromCape Palmas district. He has never been outside of Liberiaand has had to gain his knowledge and experience as he bestcould. He has had correspondence instruction from an Americanschool and finds it of advantage.

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The building is known as the Julia C. Emery Hall and servesas a girls’ school. The parlor is a fine room and upon its wallsare displayed interesting cuts, portraits and documents, allrelative to national, racial and mission history. We were shownthrough the building from tower—whence a splendid view overthe river is to be had—to cellar. It is well equipped—dormitories,school rooms, chapel, dining room, kitchen, washrooms,storerooms—all suitable and neat and clean. Seventy girls arein attendance. There are not beds for all the children, perhapsnot for more than half of them; half of the children sleep uponthe floor on mats. This is no special hardship, as they areused to it; in my own opinion they are quite as well off withoutbeds.

The girls form two groups—the large girls dressed in blueand white and the little girls dressed in pink and white. Theyseem neat and happy. They rendered a program for us whichwould have done credit to any teaching here at home:

It is particularly interesting to see the harmony and friendshiphere. Some of the girls are Liberians, but there are alsonative girls from various parts of the country and from varioustribes—Golas, Krus, Grebos. We went to the dining room,which had been cleared, and the girls went through with a calisthenicdrill, which was beautifully rendered. Mrs. Moort is incharge of the school and deserves much credit for its satisfactorycondition. After this drill was over we sat down to atable loaded with good things, and some of the larger girls aidedin the serving. One of the aims of the school is to teach workand housekeeping. The school property includes two hundredacres of land, which will supply much of the food needed inschool and provide opportunity for instruction in gardening.

The Bishop stated that we must not tarry, as we were expectedat Clay-Ashland. A half hour by steamer brought us toits landing, where the resident clergyman, Mr. Cooper, son-in-lawof Bishop Ferguson, met us. We walked up through astraggling settlement to the little church, near which a sign inbrilliant lettering announced “Welcome.” Here we turned tothe right and in a moment reached Alexander Crummell Hall,[234]in construction. Here another brilliant lettering proclaimed“A Hearty Welcome to You.” The building is to be of woodwith corrugated iron roofing; it is not yet covered in, but promisesto be a fine and suitable structure. Only the side verandahwas usable; it was covered in and adorned with palms in honorof the occasion. The boys and young men were seated on twolines of benches facing, between which we walked up to thespeaker’s table. There were perhaps forty students present.They carried through a little program—reading, singing andaddresses, all carried through with fine swing and vigor. Theaddress of welcome was given in good English by a Bassa boy.In some interesting and appropriate remarks Major Youngspoke to the boys of the life and lesson of Alexander Crummell,in whose honor the hall was named and whom he himself hadknown. It was now well on in the afternoon and time for usto start on our return journey. This was rapidly accomplishedas the current was in our favor and we tied up at the landingin Monrovia at 6:30, with stars twinkling in the sky above usand town lights reflected in the water below.

Bishop Ferguson had invited me to see the Kru service ona Sunday afternoon. Two Kru men called to escort me to thelittle chapel, which is situated on a rocky slope overhangingKrutown. The native settlement is at the waterside, upon thelow sandy beach; its population, houses and life are purelynative. Down there they speak Kru; men and boys all knowEnglish; some women and girls do. It is a hardy, vigorous, energeticpopulation. The men are water folk; they are splendidcanoe men; they are the main dependence of the steamers, whichthey serve as crews and wharfingers. When we arrived at thelittle chapel we found it crowded; more than a hundred men,women and children were assembled. The women were a sightfor tired eyes, with their brilliant wrappings, gay head bandsand ring-loaded fingers. Few Liberians were present—Bishopand Mrs. Ferguson, Superintendent Bright and a few teachers.Pastor McKrae is native—but a Grebo, not a Kru. The twotribes are related and their languages are very similar. I waswarmly welcomed and an interesting program of singing andrecitation was carried out—all in Kru except the Bishop’s introductionand my own remarks, which were interpreted fromEnglish into Kru as we spoke. These people are enthusiastic;they are interested in their chapel and contribute to its support;they are crowded in their present quarters and are about toraise a larger and finer building.

I had intended to see the work at Cape Palmas, but it wasimpossible for me to go there. For that at Bromley, Clay-Ashlandand Kru chapel I have only words of praise. My ownopinion is that Liberia’s greatest asset is the native. He existsin a score of independent tribes and counts a million souls. Ifthe little black republic is to hold its own, if it is to remain anation among nations, if it is to lead the way to African redemption,[235]there must be a mutual realization by Liberians andNatives of their common interest, and a hearty co-operation.The burden is too heavy for the Liberian alone. In BishopFerguson’s work there is the nearest approach to tolerance,union, brotherhood and mutual helpfulness seen during myexpedition.

LIBERIA, THE HOPE OF THE DARKCONTINENT.
(Unity. March 20, 1913.)

An address given at All Souls Church, Abraham LincolnCentre, Chicago, March 9, 1913. As this contains little thatis not contained in the next item, and nothing but whatoccurs in the body of the book, it is not reprinted here.

WHAT LIBERIA NEEDS.
(The Independent. April 3, 1913.)

In 1905 I sailed from Antwerp to the mouth of the KongoRiver. When we reached Freetown, Sierra Leone, we spent severalhours on shore. On returning to the steamer we found allgreatly changed; the white crew was laid off and the steamerwas swarming with black boys who had been taken on to performthe heavy work of the vessel so long as she should be inthe hot country. In the morning I found that these black boyswere Krumen from Liberia; they pointed out the shores oftheir country as we sailed by and told me of their people andtheir life. The captain of our steamer was an Englishman; hetook great satisfaction in telling stories which showed his contemptfor the little black republic and its rulers. It was hiscustom to laugh at their port regulations, to evade their customslaws, to insult their officers. Months later, in returning fromthe Kongo Free State, I sat at table next to a ship’s officerwho was never tired of telling of Sir Harry Johnston’s greatscheme of Liberian exploitation; matters were all arranged forBritain to gain the advantage which the wealth of Liberiaoffers. When we reached London, I found the windows of bookstores filled with Sir Harry’s great work upon Liberia, andconsiderable public interest in the subject.

It was these three things which turned my interest towardLiberia and led me to think of making an expedition to thatcountry. I wanted to see the Kru boys at home; I wanted tosee just how much of a failure the black republic is; I wantedto see how the English plans of exploitation worked out. Itwas, however, several years before I was able to make that[236]journey. I have just returned and found much more of interestthan I anticipated.

It is now almost one hundred years since the American ColonizationSociety was established and sent its first freed negrosettlers to the West Coast of Africa; it is almost seventy yearssince, in 1847, the society severed its relation with the colonistsand urged them to establish an independent form of government.We have no right to take any great amount of credit toourselves for the original establishment; it was less fromphilanthropy or altruism than from selfishness that we beganthe colony; it was because we did not want freed blacks livingamong white Americans that we sent them to Africa. Therehave been various times during the period of Liberia’s historywhen we might have helped her greatly; we have never quiteforgotten our obligations, but we have never done all that wemight for her benefit and profit.

It is not fair to establish a direct comparison betweenLiberia and any European colony upon the West Coast ofAfrica. It is not just, for instance, to take Dakar or Freetownand compare them with Monrovia. Senegal and SierraLeone have had great advantages which have been lacking inLiberia. Those colonies have had the constant aid and sympathyof a mother country; they have been developed with theaid of vast home capital; they have had the protection of wellorganized armies against internal foes and external aggression;they have had chosen men sent out as governors who have giventhem advice, encouragement, instruction. Liberia has had tostand alone; her population was largely ignorant persons, despised,recently emerged from slavery; she has had no interestof a mother country; she has had no capital with which to pushdevelopment; she has had no means of protection against nativetribes or crowding neighbors; she has had to train governorsfrom her own population, who have had to learn the business ofgovernment through personal experience. When this markeddifference in opportunity and material is realized, the wonderis that Liberia has been able to make any real achievement.As a matter of fact, while the direct comparison is most unjust,it can be made without serious discredit to Liberia. The standardof living, the average comfort, the construction of housesand other buildings in Liberia, falls little short of those inFreetown, if at all; of course, when it comes to public enterprises—harborimprovements, governmental offices, etc.—theEuropean colony has notable advantage. In reality, Liberianachievement is marvelous in the face of all the difficulties withwhich the country has had to contend. Far from being a dismalfailure, Liberia has proved an astonishing success. For morethan sixty years her officers have been pitted against the skilledpoliticians of European countries; they have had to fight indiplomatic warfare with Great Britain, France and Germany.The wonder is that she was not long since wiped off the map.

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In 1908 a commission of Liberians was sent to beg assistancefrom the United States. Through a period of years she hadlost land, first to Great Britain, then to France, both of whichown adjacent territory; her commerce had been hampered byBritish schemers who desired to prevent her development untilthey themselves should control its results; she had been forcedtwice to borrow money from Great Britain—and both times hadpaid heavily for scant accommodation. Robbed of land, crippledin development, heavily in debt to a pressing creditor, acrisis had been reached in her affairs. The United States heardthe appeal and answered: a commission of investigation visitedLiberia and made a definite report, advising certain lines of aid.We have acted upon some of their recommendations. We haveexpressed to Great Britain, Germany and France our specialinterest in Liberian affairs; we have lent her colored officersto aid in training a native force; we have come to her financialrelief, paying her past debts and taking over the administrationof her customs houses.

The population of Liberia consists of three main elements:there are about 12,000 civilized and Christian blacks, descendantsof American freed negroes, whom we may call Americo-Liberians,or Liberians proper; there are perhaps 30,000 coastnatives, who speak English and have come into frequent contactwith Liberians and the outside world; there are perhaps onemillion “natives,” living in the interior, “bush nigg*rs,” mostof whom speak only native tongues and are pagan in religion.The Liberians live in a few settlements near the coast, or alongthe rivers, a few miles inland. The natives consist of a scoreor more of different tribes, living in little villages, each tribehaving its own language, its independent chiefs, its characteristiclife and customs. Sir Harry Johnston says that the interiorof Liberia is the least known part of Africa. Many of thesenative tribes still practice cannibalism, all of them are polygamist,and domestic slavery exists among them. The relationbetween them and the Liberians proper is almost nil. The areaof Liberia even now is larger than the State of Ohio and notmuch less than that of Pennsylvania. If we were to take thetown of Bellaire, Ohio, and divide its little population into abouta dozen towns along the Ohio River, and were then to sprinklethe whole State of Ohio with villages of Indians, totaling onemillion, speaking a score of different dialects, and recognizingno control except that of their local chiefs, we should havesomething analogous to the Liberian situation. If, now, thispopulation of Bellaire were to figure as an independent nationamong the world’s governments, think what a burden this wouldentail upon it. Liberia elects a President, Vice-President,Senators and Representatives; its President has a Cabinet, eachmember with his own department of government; it maintainsa Supreme Court, with a bench of judges; it has consuls, somewith diplomatic powers, in many of the nations of the world.[238]Would we be able in any town of 12,000 people in the UnitedStates to find such a corps of men of competence? As a nation,with privileges and obligations, Liberia must not only maintainthis national government, but it must keep order over its wholearea and prevent its million bush natives from troubling itsneighbors. It is on the plea that Liberia is incapable of maintainingorder that France and Great Britain are constantlycrowding upon her frontiers; it is a fact that to prevent aggressionfrom outside she must maintain order within.

We must not imagine that neighborly aggression has ceasedbecause we spoke. New boundary questions have lately arisen,both with Great Britain and France, and it looks as if they weregetting ready to demand a new slice of territory. One of thecrying needs of Liberia is to have a native frontier force, welldrilled, ready to protect and maintain order at her boundary.Such a force has been organized; it has been in existence forseveral years; just at present it is being drilled under threeyoung colored officers whom we have sent within the past yearto Monrovia—Major Ballard, Captain Brown and Captain Newton.These men now bear commissions from the Liberian Governmentand are paid by it. The force will be developed to 600soldiers; it is rather easy to collect them; they come from manyof the interior tribes and, when they are enlisted, know noEnglish; they seem to enjoy the life of soldiers and rapidly improveuntil in their conduct and drilling they present a creditableappearance. When actually disciplined, so that they willnot loot or cause distress when marching through a district ofnon-combatants, they should be a great advantage to the nation.Unfortunately, the Liberian Government is frequently in financialdifficulties and the pay of these soldiers falls into arrears.There is always serious danger that, under such circ*mstances,the discontented force may arise against the Government andcause difficulties.

We did well to come to the financial relief of Liberia, butwe did badly in the details of our method. The total debtswere about $1,300,000: we arranged for a loan to her of$1,700,000; this would enable her to pay off all obligations, tohave some ready funds left over, and to have a single, friendlycreditor. Before securing this loan we insisted upon a receivership.It would have been a simple matter for us to have simplyappointed a receiver of customs and leave the administration ofaffairs in his hands, as we did in Santo Domingo. Had we doneso, it is unlikely that any other nation would have found fault;if any nation should have criticised the action, we could withconsistency insist that we stand in a peculiar relation to Liberiaand that the loan is too small to warrant great expense in thehandling of the business connected with it. What we really didwas to recognize fictitious interests of other nations in the matter;we arranged for an international receivership; instead ofone American receiver we proposed four receivers—American,[239]French, English, German. Inasmuch as the impoverished Governmenthas to pay handsome salaries to all four, the plan wasanything but economical; the dangers of difficulty and disagreementbetween the members of this international receivershipare considerable. Surely instead of inflicting an expensive andcomplicated international receivership upon the country, weshould have arranged for an economical, simple nationalreceiver.

There is no question that Liberia has great natural wealth;her resources are yet almost untouched; she is the only part ofthe whole West Coast where large returns are certain for smallinvestment. In order to secure her wealth of products, it isabsolutely necessary that trails be opened up through the interior.Trails, of course, already exist, but under present conditionsthey are frequently intentionally neglected; little chiefsdo not want too easy contact with the outside world. It isabsolutely necessary, if Liberia is to advance, that the good willof the chiefs shall be secured and that all trails shall be keptopen. In no other way can the produce of the forests find itsway down to the coast. Foot trails, of course, are of limitedutility, and as rapidly as they are improved they should becomeactual roads, presumably to be themselves developed in timeinto roadbeds for light railroads. It is only by the improvementof means of transportation that the Liberian Governmentcan hope to increase its income, which comes almost entirelyfrom trade.

For the present, and undoubtedly for some time to come, thechief source of income for the country must be by trade innatural products, collected in the forests. It is time, however,that serious effort should be made to develop the actual agriculturalopportunities of Liberia. With a rich soil, abundantrainfall, tropical temperature, vegetation flourishes. Liberiashould produce vast quantities of rice, corn, cotton, sugar, sweetpotatoes, yams, bananas, plantains, ginger, coffee, cocoa, pineapplesand other tropical fruits. There is no reason why inmany parts of the country cattle, goats and sheep should not beraised in quantities. At present, a very large amount of foodstuffsis introduced from the outside world; fresh meat is tobe had only when steamers pass; rice, even—of which the nativesraise quantities—is imported. Formerly considerable coffeewas exported; the coffee tree grows wild and is probably anative of the country, and Liberian coffee has a fair reputationin the foreign market; at present, very little is exported. It iscurious that agriculture has never been a favorite occupationwith the people. As long ago as 1826 and 1827 the famous agentof the colony, Jehudi Ashmun, complained bitterly that thepeople all desired to trade instead of to practice hand labor anddevelop agriculture. It is certain that if it is to be permanentlyprosperous, Liberia must encourage agricultural pursuits. It wasnatural enough that freed slaves should look upon manual trades[240]and field labor as contemptible; that they should look uponbarter and trade as desirable. Unfortunately, at the time ofcolonization it was easy for men to trade. This dislike foractual labor continues to the present day; it is possible to hirebush natives to do the absolutely necessary heavy labor verycheaply. In Liberian houses great numbers of native servantsare employed. Trade and politics absorb the thought and timeof the best men in the community. It is going to be a difficulttask to place agriculture and hand labor upon a proper footing,but it must be done and soon.

We must not expect much more in the direction of educationthan we would find in our own country towns of six or seventhousand people. There are actually not many schools in therepublic. The superintendent of education is a member of theCabinet. The present incumbent is a native—a Bassa. He hasgeneral supervision of some ninety-one schools, in which numbernight schools and mission schools are included. The highestinstitution of public education is Liberia College, at Monrovia.It has done good work and most of the men of prominence inthe Government to-day are graduates from it. It has, however,little more than the teaching force and equipment of a highschool in one of our smaller towns. It needs strengthening inevery way. New schools should be established, especially in thecountry among the native tribes, and special schools of agricultureand manual training are a crying need. President Howard,in his inaugural address in 1912, recognized the necessity ofprompt development in education and agriculture. BesidesLiberia College, there is in Monrovia the College of West Africa.This is a Methodist mission school, doing an excellent work forboth Liberian and native students. There are also importantEpiscopal schools on the St. Paul’s River, and in the neighborhoodof Cape Palmas.

The President of the republic was kind enough to give areception in my honor. On that occasion I was asked to make afew remarks regarding Liberia. I stated that in my opinionLiberia’s greatest asset is her native population. Twelve thousandpeople, no matter how interested, wise and industrious,cannot possibly carry the entire burden. If Liberia is to prosperin the future, it can only be because the Liberians secure thehearty coöperation and friendly feeling of the million natives.If they can be shown that their interest and development are tobe gained only through friendship to and recognition of theGovernment, the prosperity and success of Liberia may besecured and her independence maintained.

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SHOULD THE AFRICAN MISSION BEABANDONED.
(The Spirit of Missions. August, 1913.)

The development of the Church mission in Liberia has beenmost encouraging. It began in March, 1836, when James M.Thompson, a colored man, opened a mission school at MountVaughan with seven native children. It has grown until, inhis last report, Bishop Ferguson stated that there were 26clergymen, 8 candidates for holy orders, 2 postulants, 25 layteachers, and 46 catechists and teachers. During the year of1912, 242 children and 237 adults had been baptized—423 ofthem being converts from heathenism. During the year therewere 165 confirmations. The grand total of baptisms to datewas 9,565; the total of confirmations, 4,856. The number ofpresent communicants was 2,404, of which two-thirds werenatives. The estimated value of buildings belonging to themission was $121,250; 22 day schools, 19 boarding schools and38 Sunday schools was conducted; 1,210 day-school pupils, 643boarding-school pupils, 2,714 Sunday-school pupils were inattendance. It is a noble record of results for faithful service.

It has been suggested in some quarters that the AmericanProtestant Episcopal Church shall abandon this promising missionfield; or rather it is proposed that it shall exchange thissuccessful and flourishing work with English brethren, for workstarted by them in Central America. It is possible that fromthe point of view of church administration such an exchangemay be desirable; it is certain that from any other point ofview it will be a great misfortune. The writer of this articlehas himself been in Liberia, and is profoundly interested inLiberian problems. He believes that any proposal to abandonwork in Liberia could only arise through ignorance of the actualconditions in the Black Republic. He has no wish to interferein affairs which in no wise concern himself. Deeply interested,however, in the progress of the only remaining country ofAfrica which is administered by black men, he desires to expresshis reasons for opposing the suggestion.

It is now seventy-seven years since the Liberian work wasbegun. It has been wisely directed, it has been nobly supported,it has been successful. Surely the ultimate aim in allsuch labor is to produce a self-supporting church in the missionfield. The Liberian Church is already approaching the pointof self-support. In his last report Bishop Ferguson says: “Ibelieve the greatest joy of my life would be to be able to say tothe Board of Missions, ‘The Church in Liberia will hereafter supportit*elf. You need not appropriate any more funds towardsits maintenance.’ That I am unable to do so as yet is not becauseof an indisposition on the part of the people to contributeto such a worthy object, but rather because of their poverty,through not having learnt to work profitably. It must be[242]remembered that two-thirds of our communicants are nativeAfricans who, as well as the majority of the class we call‘Americo-Liberians’ making up the one-third, need to betrained in some remunerative industry. The fact is, that thefinancial burden of the Church in the district is resting on acomparatively small number. Taking this into consideration,the amount raised from time to time for the building, repairing,and improving of churches, and to meet other parochial expensesis rather creditable than otherwise. Besides expensesat home, they contribute annually toward missions in generalin the shape of Lenten and Easter offerings and the missionaryapportionment fund. Our quota of the last named has alreadybeen paid up for the present year. But as above shown, comparativelyfew deserve the credit. To make the work self-supporting,at least a majority of the members should be ableto contribute to it.”

Certainly, it is a basic error to abandon a work which hasbeen conducted for seventy-seven years, when it approaches thepoint of self-support. A change subjecting the mission to anew administration, would mean setback and delay in gainingthe end desired.

The American Church is bound in a special way to Liberia;the original settlers in Liberia were American freed-men; theyhad been our slaves. As Americans we had been responsiblefor the dragging of thousands of helpless black people fromtheir homes; we had held them for years in captivity. Whenfinally we sent them back as freed-men to the shores of theirnative continent, our obligations by no means ceased.

When Bishop Lee preached the sermon at the consecrationof Bishop Ferguson, he used the following strong terms: “Tothe millions of this race among ourselves, as well as to thosebeyond the sea, we should count ourselves debtors. If anybranch of the evangelistic work of our Church has peculiar andsacred claims to general support, it seems to me to be ourAfrican Mission as well as our home Mission among our coloredpeople. With glad and ready hearts should we enter this opendoor. With free and unclosed hands should we pour our giftsinto the Lord’s treasury. And when we read with averted eyethe shocking details of former injustice and inhumanity, wellmay we thank God that He has shown us a way in which we maysend back to those sunny climes a benefaction, the value ofwhich cannot be told.”

In 1893 Dr. Langford, General Secretary of the Board ofMissions, said: “The lapse of time does not lighten by a shadethe deep damnation of its curse. If America were to pay amillion dollars a year for fifty years, it would not suffice tocancel a tithe of her debt to Africa.”

England has no such duty nor obligation to Liberia; shecannot be expected to take the same legitimate interest in thatmission. Nor have the Missions of Central America anything[243]like the same claim upon the interest and sympathy of theAmerican Church as has Liberia. Nothing but blindness to theseriousness of our obligation could lead us to make the exchange.

It is true that the United States has at no time shown thehearty interest in, and sympathy with Liberia which she shouldhave. It is, however, true that, as a result of all the past, thecivilized Liberians are to-day far more American in spirit thanEnglish. The Liberians are different in their bearing and mannerfrom all other blacks upon the coast of West Africa. Thisis not merely a personal claim. Travelers, ever since the earlydays of colonization, are united in their statements: theLiberian is more independent—he is more a man—than theblack man in any of the European colonies. This spirit hasbeen frequently criticised; it is no advantage to colonizingnations to encounter black men of spirit and independence; suchare a bad example to colonial subjects. But, if Liberia is toremain a nation, this spirit of independence must be maintained.The transfer of this mission to England would dampen enthusiasm;it would check the independent spirit; it would introducethe element of weakness. No one who has seen the blacks ofFreetown can fail to grasp my meaning. The attitude of theEnglishman toward colored peoples may be fairly fair and just,but it is repressive. In the nature of things, administration ofthe Liberian Church by British leaders would necessarily leadto irritation and assumption of superiority on the one side andsubservience upon the other; there would be less of self-respectand independence. If the Church held its own in numbers, itwould be through the loss of its most desirable members andtheir replacement by people of less strong character.

The work of the Protestant Episcopal Church is not the onlymission work within the limits of Liberia. There are also missions,more or less active, conducted by the Methodist Episcopal,African Methodist Episcopal, Baptist, Lutheran and Presbyteriandenominations. If these mission efforts are to be successfulthere must be fellow feeling between the different missions;harmony and unity should be the order of the day. We regretthat there has not always been the most harmonious relationsbetween the different branches of Christian efforts in the Republic.Surely, however, every mission there established should doits utmost toward harmony; surely it should be the policy ofeach separate mission to do nothing which could interrupt ordestroy harmonious relations. But all these other mission effortsin Liberia are in American hands; the transfer of the Churchmission to English hands would be certain, under the politicaland social conditions of the country, to introduce friction andenmity which would be destructive beyond the possibility ofcalculation. From the point of view of Christian harmony itwould be a blunder to transfer the mission.

I believe that Liberia may have an important influence insolving our Negro problem. It is doubtful whether we shall[244]send a large number of emigrants from our southern states tothe Republic; it is likely that a small migration will constantlytake place from us to Africa. But it is of the utmost consequenceboth to Liberia and to our American black people thatthere be intimate relations between the two regions. It isdesirable that many black men from America should visit andknow Liberia; it is most important that Liberians should findit easy to come to America and see our institutions. In thiseasy contact and intimate relation there is certainly ease forour black man’s troubles. Everything which cultivates close,frequent, repeated and continued contact will help us as muchas it helps them. We ought, then, at least, to think a long timebefore we sever any connection already established.

In view of these conditions and tendencies, it seems to methat the proposed exchange would be a serious blunder. Motivesof economy and ease of administration cannot excuse it. Duty,honor, enlightened patriotism, demand that the AmericanChurch continue to carry the Liberian mission until such timeas it may become self-supporting.

THE PEOPLE OF LIBERIA.
(The Independent. August 14, 1913.)

There is no question that ultimately Liberia must dependupon her native population; the native tribes are the chief assetof the black republic. If it is to make progress in the future,there must be hearty coöperation between the “Liberian” andthe “native.” The native must be aroused to realize that hisinterest is the same as that of the Liberian; he must realize thathis country is the Liberian’s country; he must learn to knowand to carry his part of the common burden. This is going tobe a difficult lesson for both to learn. From the very beginningof the colony to the present time, the attitude of the newcomertoward the native has been that of a superior to an inferiorbeing. It is and always has been the custom for Liberians tospeak of themselves as “white men,” while they have consideredthe natives “bush nigg*rs.” The Liberian has neverindulged to any extent in manual labor; he has done but littleeven in agricultural work. The native has always been consideredthe natural laborer of the country; socially an inferior, hehas been despised and neglected. He has done the heavy work,he has brought in the produce of “the bush,” he has been thehouse servant. While he has rarely been treated with cruelty,he has been looked upon with contempt. There is no doubtthat, in the future, the native will continue to be the chieflaborer of the country; something of prejudice must be expectedto continue; but conditions ought to be such that it will be easyfor a bright native boy to emerge from his own status and playhis part in the mutual progress.

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Under the circ*mstances, every individual case of a Liberiannative who has gained a position of consequence in the communityhas special significance and importance. One of theencouraging facts in present day Liberia is that a considerablenumber of natives are occupying positions of influence andpower in their community. At the present time a member ofthe Cabinet is a native of pure blood. The Secretary of PublicInstruction, in charge of the educational system of the republic,is a Bassa; he is one of “Miss Sharp’s boys”—and does creditto her efforts. While the educational development of Liberialeaves much to be desired, he has ninety-one schools (includingnight schools) under his direction.

Another native who has gained position, reputation and influenceis Abayomi Wilfrid Karnga, the son of a Kongo man,which means that he has risen against more serious difficultiesthan face the usual native of the country. The population ofLiberia consists actually of three different classes of black men;first, the descendants of American or English freedmen;second, the actual natives of the country; third, descendants ofrecaptured slaves—very commonly included under the generalterm of “Kongo men.” The last mentioned people had beenbought by slavers, taken on board slave vessels, and were beingtaken to Cuba or South America for sale when they were capturedby British or American warships, taken to Liberia, anddumped upon the colony for care and raising. They havealways been looked upon with contempt by both Liberians andnatives, and for a Kongo man to rise indicates energy andnatural ability. Mr. Karnga has been a school teacher and isnow a practising lawyer; he is at present a member of theHouse of Representatives and is active in public affairs.

Another conspicuous native success is Luke B. Anthony, aBassa. He received his early training under the Presbyterianmissionaries and attended Lincoln University, in Pennsylvania.At one time he had high hope of conducting schools for his ownpeople, but this hope vanished with the discontinuance of missioneffort on the part of the board with which he has beeninterested. He loves his people and a year ago gave the commencementaddress at Liberia College upon the subject of“Bassa Traditions.” While in the United States he receivedmedical training and is a successful physician. At present heis professor of mathematics in Liberia College and a teacher ofconsiderable ability and force.

One of the most interesting of the Liberian natives who areplaying a part in public life is Momolu Massaquoi. He representsthe Vai people, one of the most important, enterprisingand progressive of the score or so of native tribes in the republic.The Vai are a Mohammedan population and stand alone amongAfrican negroes in having in common daily use a system ofwriting with characters invented long ago by one of their owntribe. Mr. Massaquoi was an hereditary chief among his people.[246]While still young he became a Christian, found his way to theUnited States, and gained part of his education in this country.After returning to Liberia he was paramount chief among hispeople for a period of ten years. He now lives in Monrovia,where he occupies the position of chief clerk in the Departmentof the Interior. He is now preparing text-books in Vai foruse among his people.

The number of pure blood natives among the Liberian clergymust be considerable. Some of these, like the Rev. F. A. Russell,of Grand Bassa, minister to mixed congregations, withboth Liberian and native members. Other native clergymenhave charge of definite mission work among the natives. Thus,Rev. McKrae is in charge of the Kru chapel (Episcopalian) inMonrovia. The Kru and Grebo are close kin, both in speech andblood. In connection with such mission effort we are naturallyreminded of Mr. Scott, a full-blooded Grebo, who is the architectand superintendent of construction of the Bromley School forGirls, situated upon the St. Paul’s River about three hours bysteamer from Monrovia; it is said to be the largest building inLiberia. Mr. Scott has had no instruction in the builder’s tradebeyond what he has picked up practically and through a courseof instruction received from America by correspondence.

These are a few examples of native men who are doing somethingto help Liberians to solve their problems. There must bea considerable number of such. There is, however, another classof men who are helping in the advancement of the country,though in quite a different way. Those whom we have mentionedhave practically severed themselves from the native life;they are living among Liberians and taking active part withthem. Thomas Lewis, a Bassa, living in Grand Bassa, where hishouse, newly built, is one of the finest in the town, is a nativeof the natives. His father was a local king; Thomas was oneof about a hundred children. Through missionary effort hegained the rudiments of education; coming then to the UnitedStates, he studied in various cities, finally taking his advancedwork in Syracuse University. While there he devised a systemof writing the Bassa language, which, like the system long inuse among the Vai, consists of a series of phonetic charactersstanding for syllables. While in Syracuse he had a primerprinted in the new characters for teaching Bassa children toread. Having studied medicine, he became a practising physicianon his return to his own country. He has large influencewith the primitive Bassa, and not infrequently is called upon bythe Government to exert this in its behalf. He has taught anumber of Bassa boys his system and takes great pride in theirability to write and read their language with his characters.

Living in the same neighborhood with Dr. Lewis is JacobLogan. His father was a Liberian, his mother a Bassa; hisfather represented a class of which we hear much in the writingsof authors who criticize Liberian affairs—civilized Liberianswho relapse. He lived the native life and his son Jacob was[247]brought up amid purely native surroundings. Jacob Logantoday speaks excellent English, writes and reads the languageperfectly well, knows Liberia and the outside world, having beento Europe. Yet he maintains the state of a native chief. Hehas an excellent house, which he calls “Native Vindicator’sHouse;” he is legally married to one wife, but has the reputationof maintaining a considerable body of native women; hehas a quantity of dependents, known everywhere as “JacobLogan’s boys.” They work for him, and when they hire outto others he receives their wages; they are subject to his orders;they live in his house or on his property until married; afterthey are married they still retain relations with him. On hispart Jacob owes them advice, shelter, direction, assistance; whenthey wish to marry he provides the money, for they must payfor wives; if they are in trouble he must help them; if they getinto legal difficulty he must pay their fines. These two men arerepresentative, no doubt, of a large class. They have great influenceand it certainly is to the advantage of Government thattheir influence be utilized in its favor. If they are well informedin regard to governmental policy and favorable to it, they cando much.

Is it desirable that Liberians and natives intermarry? Itis certain that the native endures the climate better than thenewcomers; it is true that he has far more energy, vigor, enterprise—incase his interest is once aroused. There can be noquestion that close breeding among the little handful ofLiberians is fraught with danger; mixture with the nativestock would give, in many cases, good results. There is always,of course, the danger in such mixed marriages of relapse tobarbarism. The Liberian who marries a native woman mightlead an easy life among her people in the bush. This dangeris a real one and needs to be avoided.

It is only five minutes’ walk from the heart of LiberianMonrovia to the center of Krutown on the beach. It is a purelynative town; most of the houses are true Kru houses, withthatched roofs and matting sides. The streets are narrow,the houses crowded, the people swarm. The Kru have force andvigor; they are splendid canoe-men and fishers; they are thechief dependence of coast commerce, loading and unloadingthe steamer cargoes. The men and boys almost all knowEnglish, some have a smattering of French or German; thewomen confine themselves largely to their native language,though girls in school all learn English. The Kru are workers;they like activity. There are schools in Krutown, but theKru boys, after they have finished their studies in them, go upto the College of West Africa, in Monrovia. This is a missionschool, supported by the Methodists, in which all the teachersare colored; most of them Americans.

One day I visited the class in arithmetic, consisting of aboutthirty scholars. Sitting in the midst of them, when a lull[248]came, I said to my nearest neighbor, “But you are a nativeboy?” “Yes, sir; we are many of us native boys. He is anative, and he, and he, and he.” In fact, I was surroundedby natives, Kru boys. “Well,” I asked, “and how do younative boys do in your classes?” “We do better than theydo, sir,” he said. “Do you, indeed?” said I; “it wouldsound better if some one else said that; but how is it so?”“I can’t help it, sir; we do better anyway; we love our countrybetter than they do, too.” However that may be, it is certainthat these Kru boys will outrun the Liberians unless the latterare careful. No one else in all Liberia is so anxious to learnas they.

It is interesting how generally they look toward us for education.One who called upon me one afternoon told me that aKru boy had started for America only the week before. Hetold me, then, that he himself was one of five boys in theirtown and school who had agreed together that, in some way orother, they should get to America for education. They will doit, too. They earn good money from the steamers and knowhow to save; after they had been hired two or three times fora coasting voyage they make friends with steamer officers andhave no trouble in being taken to Antwerp, or Rotterdam, orHamburg, earning something more than passage by their work.If they can work their way from Hamburg to New York theyare glad to do so, but most of them realize that that is anuncertain chance and start out either with cash upon theirperson or a little ivory for sale to provide resources beyondHamburg.

There has been considerable discussion in regard to thelocation of Liberia College. Should it remain at the capital,Monrovia? Or should it be transferred to some point in theinterior? Just now there is so much talk about manual trainingand agricultural instruction that there has been considerableeffort made to change the character of the school and to placeit at some point in the interior. I believe that Liberia Collegeought to remain in Monrovia; it should continue to be an institutionof higher education—cultural in character. To locateit at any point in the interior would be to confine its field andvalue to a single district and a single tribe. There are perhapsa score of native tribes in Liberia, each with its own language,its own territory, its own customs, its own chiefs. Between thetribes there is little contact and no bond of interest. To putLiberia College into the interior would benefit perhaps a singletribe. Other tribes would not patronize it—they would lookupon it as of no value or interest to them. What is needed isthe establishment of a good central school within the area ofeach native tribe. It should give thorough rudimentaryinstruction. It should serve as a feeder to Liberia College;its best men, those who become interested and are ambitious,would go up to the capital for further study. There they would[249]meet representatives of all the other tribes sent up from theother local schools. A wholesome rivalry would rise betweenthem; tribal spirit would be maintained, but acquaintanceshipand respect for others would be wholesomely developed; inMonrovia, the capital city, they would be made to feel anational interest and develop affection for their common government.In such a system only can the elevation of the wholepeople and a genuine coöperation be developed.

Manual training and agricultural instruction are of highimportance, but form a question by themselves.

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APPENDICES

LEADING EVENTS IN LIBERIAN HISTORY

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCEIN CONVENTION

Town of Monrovia; June and July 1847

SUGGESTIONS
Made by the Liberian Government to the AmericanCommission in 1909

1. That the Government of the United States be requestedto guarantee as far as practicable the independence and integrityof Liberia, either alone or in conjunction with certainEuropean powers.

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2. To advise and counsel the Government of Liberia oninternational affairs and with respect to reforms.

3. The Government of the United States be requested toliquidate the foreign and local indebtedness of the Republic,taking over the control of its financial and customs administrationsfor a period of years sufficient to effect a reorganizationand systematization of same under American experts and allowingto the Republic an annual sum to be hereinafter agreed uponfor the payment of the expenses of the Government and forinternal improvements until the amount advanced by the UnitedStates for the liquidation of the indebtedness of the Republicbe paid.

4. That the United States Government be requested to furnishthe Republic with experts for service in such departmentsof government as may be deemed necessary—at the expense ofthe latter—in order to facilitate and carry out the necessaryreforms.

5. That the Government of the United States be requestedto use its good offices in inducing American capitalists—eitherin conjunction with foreign capitalists or alone—to establish abank in Liberia which shall receive the revenues of the Republicand make advances to the Government upon terms to be agreedupon, and also to construct and run railways and other improvements.

6. That the Government of the United States be requestedto enter into an arbitration treaty with Liberia, and to use itsgood and kind offices with the European powers interested inWest Africa to enter into similar engagements with the Republic.

7. That the American Government be requested to use theirgood offices to secure the equitable execution of the boundaryarrangements entered into between the Government of Liberiaand the Government of Great Britain and France, especially toassist the Government of Liberia diplomatically to secure possessionof the Kanre Lahun section and other sections in thenorth of Liberia, now occupied by Great Britain, which by theAnglo-Liberian boundary commission were acknowledged to thisRepublic, as well as the securing to Liberia the hinterland recognizedas Liberian by the conventions concluded between her andFrance, but which has been materially altered to the detriment ofLiberia by the delimitation commission of 1908-9.

8. That the Government of the United States be requestedto undertake a scientific research of the country with the viewof ascertaining a more accurate knowledge of its mineral, vegetable,and other resources, and to interest American capitalistsin the development of the same; and also to aid the Governmentof Liberia in the establishment of a school for scientific medicalresearch with particular reference to the study of tropicaldiseases.

9. To aid the Government of Liberia in establishing industrialschools in one or more of the counties of the Republic with[275]a view of promoting a knowledge of such trades and industriesas will render the Republic self-reliant.

10. To aid in establishing civilized centers on the frontiersand hinterland in order to accelerate the uplifting and improvementof the natives and perpetuate the object of the Americanfounders of Liberia.

11. To supervise the organization of a police and frontierforce under American officers.

12. To request the United States war ships to visit Liberiaannually, or oftener.

13. It is the anxious desire of Liberia that closer businessrelations and a substantial sail or steam service be establishedbetween the mother country and ours, and to this end we earnestlyask that the United States will encourage and foster aregular line of steamers (by an American company) to carrymails and passengers to and from Liberia as well as Africanproduce to the American markets.

14. The Government of Liberia here express its willingnessto concede to the Government of the United States any rightsand privileges for the construction of coaling stations or anyother enterprises which she may deem necessary to enter uponthat would be beneficial to the people and Government of theUnited States, the same not being inconsistent with existingtreaty stipulations with other foreign powers.

LIBERIAN OFFICIALS

AGENTS AND GOVERNORS

[D-J] Indicates white men.

GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND

[K] Indicates white men.

[276]

PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE REPUBLIC

SECRETARIES OF STATE

[277]

NATIONAL ANTHEM

Map of Liberia